Talbot details how the Dulles brothers exercised significant influence through their law firm, Sullivan and Cromwell, which was deeply embedded in the complex network of international finance and multinational companies that were crucial to Germany's resurgence after World War I. Foster Dulles, leading the firm, skillfully channeled substantial American financial investments into Germany's industrial giants, such as the chemical conglomerate I.G. Farben and the steel behemoth Krupp. The proceeds from these investments were directed to France and Britain as war reparations before being used to fulfill wartime debts to the United States.
Foster Dulles became so deeply involved in the profitable resurgence of Germany that distinguishing his firm's interests from the ascending economic and military force proved challenging, even as Hitler ascended to power. He persistently supported the integration of German firms like IG Farben into the Nazis' growing military infrastructure, while also ensuring they had the necessary resources. Foster Dulles financially supported the campaign advocating for American non-intervention in the escalating European conflict and also organized an event that honored the pro-Nazi stance of aviator Charles Lindbergh. Foster was reluctant to close the Berlin office of Sullivan and Cromwell, where it was mandatory for lawyers to end their letters with "Heil Hitler," but eventually conceded in 1935 after pressure from his peers.
The siblings Dulles initially underestimated the threat that Hitler's ascent to power represented. Allen Dulles personally met with Hitler in March 1933. While it seemed he was collecting intelligence in Europe for President Roosevelt, his primary focus was to evaluate how Hitler's rise to power would affect the clients of his law firm in Germany and the United States. Dulles conveyed to his sibling that Hitler's actions did not disturb him. He was particularly struck by the sincere and candid nature of Joseph Goebbels, who was in charge of disseminating Nazi propaganda. John Foster Dulles acknowledged the dictator's capacity for establishing absolute dominance over a significant nation, despite being cognizant of the Nazi regime's anti-Jewish measures, such as the introduction of the Nuremberg Laws in 1935 and the ensuing persecution of Jewish people in Germany. Despite the mounting evidence of the Nazi regime's heinous acts, Allen and his wife continued their social relationship with Long Island's Charles and Anne Morrow Lindbergh, who openly endorsed the head of Germany. Lindbergh noted in his diary that his viewpoints frequently coincided with Dulles's in different circumstances.
President Roosevelt met with British Prime Minister Winston Churchill during the Casablanca Conference in January 1943, where they planned the next stages of the Allied military operations. Roosevelt caught Churchill off guard at the conference by announcing that the Allies would insist on Germany's unconditional surrender. The declaration aimed to alleviate concerns regarding clandestine discussions between the British and Americans, which could potentially compromise the Soviet Union unbeknownst to Stalin, and encompassed direct negotiations with representatives from Nazi Germany. The consequences of their wartime actions loomed over Hitler and his regime. Dulles, however, reacted with horror to the pronouncement from Casablanca. Dulles maintained regular contact with senior German officials and believed that demanding an unconditional surrender was disastrous, quickly signaling to his Nazi counterparts that the Allies might entertain a deal preserving the structure of the Reich.
Dulles, while acting as the chief intelligence officer for President Roosevelt in Europe, functioned with an unsettling level of independence. Dulles engaged in diplomatic maneuvers that were in sharp opposition to President Roosevelt's policy of avoiding secret negotiations with the Nazis, and he later hid these activities in his correspondence with Washington officials. After the 1943 Casablanca Conference, Dulles initiated talks with Prince Maximilian Egon von Hohenlohe, who was recognized as an intermediary and representative for SS chief Heinrich Himmler, with the responsibility of working out a separate peace treaty with the United States and England. In their conversation, Dulles suggested to Hohenlohe that the provisions of the Casablanca Declaration might be considered nonbinding should Germany demonstrate a willingness to discuss conditions for peace. Dulles agreed with the aim of using postwar Germany as a bulwark against the Soviet Union, an intention shared by Himmler and Hohenlohe.
Talbot depicts Dulles as unwavering in his choice to base his OSS operations during World War II in Bern, Switzerland, a neutral site, rather than in London, which OSS...
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Talbot explains that Allen Dulles and the faction of Cold War hardliners within the CIA never reconciled themselves to Kennedy’s presidency and his efforts to de-escalate tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union. While serving at the CIA, Dulles grew accustomed to wielding considerable sway within the Eisenhower administration. Allen Dulles, together with his sibling John Foster, who served as Eisenhower's official Secretary of State, established a clandestine network of power in Washington, D.C., that often bypassed directives from the president. JFK soon realized that his initial hesitation to thoroughly reform the established Cold War hierarchy was an error, particularly when it came to interactions with figures like Dulles. During Kennedy's time in office, there was initial conflict with Dulles, leading to considerable disagreements regarding the course of America's foreign affairs.
Talbot emphasizes the thorough scrutiny that various parties, such as investigators, journalists, and historians, have applied to Oswald's past in search of indications that he was connected to foreign intelligence agencies or criminal groups. The compelling evidence of Oswald's ties to a spy agency is shown through the consistent and detailed monitoring of his activities by several U.S. organizations, including the CIA, FBI, Army Intelligence, and the Office of Naval Intelligence.
The actions of the CIA to associate Oswald with the assassination included arranging employment for him at a Texas textbook warehouse and confirming his visits to key locations that bolstered his reputation as a committed communist.
Talbot underscores the notion that Oswald was selected for this pivotal and transformative role due to his perceived...
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