The Iranian Revolution of 1979 would radically reshape the politics of the Middle East for the next half-century. Led by Ruhollah Khomeini, Shia Muslim theocrats overthrew the US-backed monarchy of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi—a shift that weakened Western influence in the region, fueled the rise of Islamic militancy, and sparked a hostage crisis remembered as a major US foreign policy failure.
In his 2025 history of the revolution, King of Kings, Scott Anderson argues that it was all preventable and explores the cultural, economic, and military forces in both Iran and the US that brought about this rupture. Anderson is a noted journalist known for his writing on politics, socioeconomics, and international conflict. His previous books include Fractured Lands, The Quiet Americans, and Lawrence in Arabia.
Our guide explores Anderson’s argument in three parts:
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We’ll begin by exploring the political instability of Iran during the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi—the last shah (king) of Iran, who ruled from 1941 to 1979 and styled himself the “King of Kings.” Anderson explains that though Pahlavi’s regime had been popular because of economic growth during the 1950s and ’60s, his final decade in power was shaped by eroding public support and social unrest. In this section, we’ll explore how Pahlavi’s declining public image, policy overreach, and authoritarian rule turned much of the Iranian public against him, setting the stage for revolution.
The Iranian Government Under Pahlavi
To help make sense of Pahlavi’s reign, it’s important to understand how Iran’s government worked at this time. Iran was a constitutional monarchy, meaning that it had both a civilian government with a prime minister and a parliament as well as a ruling royal family.
This dual system emerged out of factional disputes. During the Persian Constitutional Revolution (1906-1911), democracy advocates pressed for a European-style government, while religious clerics...
By the 1970s, Pahlavi’s missteps had culminated in deep, widespread political instability, but it went mostly unnoticed. Anderson notes that this may seem surprising, given that Pahlavi’s secret police were spying on his people and that the CIA and US foreign service had an extensive presence in the country. He places the blame on a mixture of insularity, misplaced goals, and institutional failures.
Anderson argues that Pahlavi’s regime was out of touch with public opinion because, like many authoritarian leaders, he surrounded himself with loyalists who told him what he wanted to hear. This created a distorted picture of the situation, leaving him unable to respond to the growing crisis because he still believed that the public supported him. Furthermore, the people who could’ve swayed his views were effectively sidelined: His wife’s efforts to reconnect with the Iranian people were thwarted by his advisors, and his most trusted advisor died before the war broke out.
(Shortform note: According to political scientists, the level of insularity Pahlavi experienced is a common issue in authoritarian regimes called the “[dictator’s...
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Now that we’ve covered how and why US officials and Pahlavi’s government overlooked Iran’s unstable political situation, let’s turn to Anderson’s account of how that instability led to the 1979 revolution. In this section, we’ll discuss the growing Islamic rebellion to Pahlavi’s regime, the failed response by Pahlavi and the US, the revolutionary war, and how it set the stage for the Iran hostage crisis.
Anderson writes that Pahlavi was overthrown by a movement of radical Islamic theocrats led by the cleric Ruhollah Khomeini. Let’s explore this movement’s origins and rise to power.
(Shortform note: Ruhollah Khomeini was born in 1902 to a religious family in the town of Khomeyn. His father and grandfather had both been Shia Clerics, and he studied in Qom, a center of Shia scholarship in Iran. He wrote extensively on Islamic law, philosophy, and ethics, eventually establishing himself as a prominent scholar and adopting the name of his hometown, Khomeyn. In the 1950s, Khomeini obtained the rank of...
This exercise will give you a chance to reflect on some of the larger themes of the Iranian revolution.
Anderson argues that the Iranian revolution was preventable. What, if anything, do you believe could have been done to prevent it?
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