In this episode of Stuff You Should Know, Josh Clark and Chuck Bryant examine how Russian disinformation operations have evolved to destabilize public trust and amplify divisions in Western democracies. The hosts trace the development from the Internet Research Agency, which pioneered these tactics in 2013, to its successor organization, the Social Design Agency, which continues adapting methods despite increased Western awareness.
Clark and Bryant explore the specific tactics employed by Russian operatives, including cloned news websites, bot farms, fake celebrity endorsements, and fabricated fact-checking sites. They discuss how these campaigns particularly target support for Ukraine and exploit American political divisions, while examining the limitations of Western responses through tech platforms and government agencies. The episode reveals how Russian strategy prioritizes creating confusion over convincing audiences of specific claims, ultimately achieving success through erosion of trust in information itself.

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Russian disinformation operations have systematically evolved over the past decade, using both traditional and emerging tactics to destabilize public trust and amplify global divisions. The Internet Research Agency (IRA) pioneered these efforts, with successor entities like the Social Design Agency (SDA) demonstrating Russia's continued adaptation despite Western awareness.
Founded in 2013 by a former criminal turned Putin confidant, the IRA recruited young English speakers to create fake social media accounts, news stories, videos, and eventually deepfakes and AI-generated content. The organization collaborated with state-backed outlets like Russia Today and Sputnik, which maintained an appearance of journalistic legitimacy while amplifying Kremlin narratives to Western audiences.
Rather than convincing people of specific false claims, the IRA's strategy focused on flooding the information ecosystem with contradictory narratives and hoaxes. The goal was to create confusion and erode trust in reality itself, driving the rise of "post-truth" discourse. High-profile examples included amplifying conspiracies like Pizzagate and stoking outrage over sensitive issues.
After the IRA disbanded in 2023 following the Wagner Group's failed uprising, the Social Design Agency assumed the central role in coordinating Western disinformation campaigns. Established in 2022 under direct Kremlin direction, the SDA strategically monitored GOP lawmakers' social media to exploit controversial issues using memes, fabricated articles, and viral content.
The agency sometimes deliberately leaked details of its own operations, like Operation Doppelganger, to maximize psychological impact and attract more Russian state funding. Despite Western scrutiny, the SDA continued adapting tactics while maintaining its core objective of destabilizing trust.
Russian strategists have adopted a "high-reach, low-impact" model—the "fire hose of falsehood"—prioritizing quantity over quality to overwhelm audiences with conflicting stories. Even as Western governments recognize and counter these tactics, Russian operators show little concern about being exposed. The operations now operate openly because the chief objective of confusion and mistrust has already been effectively achieved.
Disinformation campaigns employ a broad arsenal of strategies utilizing technology, social engineering, and exploitation of trust in established institutions.
Russian operatives created fake websites mimicking major news organizations with subtly altered domain names like WashingtonPost.pm instead of washingtonpost.com. While visually convincing, these sites revealed themselves through flawed content, such as a fake Washington Post article using unusual French terminology like "the U.S. must not become the world's gendarme." The tactic exploited users who share provocative headlines without verifying authenticity, spreading false claims like the fabrication that George Soros paid protesters.
Russian operators used networks of smartphones and computers to fabricate grassroots support for false narratives. These bots not only created posts but amplified each other's messages through automated engagement, giving disinformation an appearance of widespread credibility.
Propagandists fabricated social media posts falsely attributed to celebrities like Taylor Swift, Kim Kardashian, and Oprah Winfrey, including anti-Ukraine messages and "America First" rhetoric. These fake posts exploited young users' trust in parasocial relationships to spread geopolitical disinformation.
Russian operations created fake fact-checking sites like "War on Fakes" that presented themselves as authorities on misinformation while actually discrediting Ukraine and promoting Russian narratives. These sites exploited public awareness of disinformation, turning it into a tool by presenting false information authoritatively.
Russians spent $10 million on ads in six swing states for 2024, urging voters to prioritize domestic issues over Ukraine. Meta and other platforms failed to catch 95% of undeclared political ads, suggesting insufficient enforcement or financial incentives to overlook violations for ad revenue.
Disinformation networks used virtual offices, shell companies, and complex ownership chains to conceal their source. As fake websites proliferated, hosting companies and registrars became shadier, with each layer claiming insufficient obligation to investigate clients.
Following Russia's February 2022 invasion, disinformation efforts intensified to weaken support for Ukraine aid in France, Germany, the US, the UK, and Ukraine itself. Russian operatives aimed to persuade western populations that supporting Ukraine drained domestic resources. Campaigns published fake articles denying events like the Bucha massacre and fabricated celebrity posts calling for America to stop supporting Ukraine, including a project called "the Good Old USA" targeting swing-state voters ahead of the 2024 election.
Russian campaigns aligned their messaging with Republican and "America First" rhetoric, finding fertile ground in Donald Trump's skepticism toward foreign intervention. Russian operatives spent $10 million through Tenet Media, paying right-wing YouTubers to produce pro-Russia content, and monitored GOP lawmakers' social media to identify and magnify conservative grievances.
Russian operations fabricated stories to incite division, such as using cloned Washington Post sites to claim the Soros and Rockefeller Foundations paid protesters $30 an hour. A notorious 2016 example saw Russian agents engineering fake protest movements in Texas around "Islamification," creating both pro- and anti-groups that attracted real participants into genuine confrontations orchestrated by foreign actors.
Despite their scale, studies found Russian disinformation had limited direct impact during the 2016 election, with 1% of users seeing 70% of the content. Rather than dramatically changing minds, the impact manifests as reinforcement of existing beliefs and sowing confusion. The cumulative effect is destabilization—eroding public trust and creating a "post-truth" climate regardless of measurable opinion shifts.
Advancements in AI have exacerbated the scale of Russian operations. Operatives deliberately poison AI training data and employ AI to create deepfake videos, altering details to evade detection. The combination of AI-generated content and traditional distribution creates profound uncertainty, making it harder for the public to discern reality while massively amplifying the core strategy of sowing chaos.
Josh Clark highlights that independent journalists and NGOs, not government agencies, have performed most of the vital work identifying and tracking Russian disinformation. The EU's Disinfo Lab played a pivotal role in naming Operation Doppelganger, though it lacked enforcement authority. The U.S. Department of Justice only intervened in September 2024, taking down 32 Doppelganger websites after two years of the operation's activities.
Chuck Bryant and Josh Clark discuss how platforms like Meta fail to detect 95% of undeclared political ads despite public commitments against disinformation. The financial incentive to allow ads undermines enforcement, suggesting either incompetence or deliberate inaction to preserve profitable revenue streams.
Clark and Bryant liken current approaches to futile "whack-a-mole"—every banned website or account resurfaces elsewhere. Enforcement actions generate media attention that may inadvertently amplify awareness of Russian efforts, potentially fostering more distrust. Western responses fail to address underlying structural vulnerabilities in internet architecture and social media algorithms.
Russian networks employ low-cost AI to generate massive content across platforms, quickly shifting when countered. Western responses targeting individual websites or accounts are outmatched by the speed and scale of Russian tactics, which benefit from operating outside Western legal frameworks with minimal consequences.
Clark and Bryant argue that Russian disinformation's true aim is undermining trust in all information sources. By creating doubt about authenticity, these operations disable informed democratic participation. When citizens can no longer discern truth, they disengage from news entirely—a strategic victory even if no minds are changed on substance. The resulting exhaustion and epistemic resignation foster truth abandonment, neutralizing democratic discourse and gaining persistent strategic advantage.
1-Page Summary
Russian disinformation operations have systematically evolved over the past decade, leveraging both new and old tactics to destabilize public trust, amplify divisions, and sow discord globally. The Internet Research Agency (IRA) was the first Russian troll farm to come to widespread attention, and its legacy continues through successor entities like the Social Design Agency (SDA), demonstrating Russia’s persistence and adaptation despite growing Western awareness and intervention.
Founded in 2013 by a former criminal who became an oligarch and confidant of Vladimir Putin, the Internet Research Agency (IRA) emerged as Russia’s first notorious troll farm. The IRA recruited young, politically savvy English speakers to manufacture and disseminate disinformation on a mass scale. These operatives created fake social media accounts, news reports, YouTube videos, and increasingly sophisticated content, eventually incorporating deepfakes and artificially generated materials.
The IRA worked in concert with Kremlin-backed media outlets like Russia Today (RT) and Sputnik, both of which had the appearance of legitimate journalism while covertly amplifying Russia’s narratives to broader Western audiences. While some journalists at these outlets adhered to basic journalistic standards, the underlying mission was always to insert the Kremlin’s viewpoint into Western information ecosystems. That mission exploited the inherent vulnerabilities of global social media, constantly evolving to exploit weaknesses in digital platforms and media coverage.
Rather than targeting specific beliefs—such as getting the American public to believe a single false claim about Ukraine or domestic politics—the IRA’s central strategy was to erode trust by flooding the information environment with contradictory narratives, hoaxes, fake controversies, and memes. The goal was to create confusion, provoke division, and make people question what reality is, helping drive the rise of terms like “post-truth.” High-profile examples included amplifying conspiracy theories like Pizzagate and stoking outrage over sensitive issues, often not inventing narratives but generating enough noise to cast doubt on clear facts and weaken democratic discourse.
With the IRA officially disbanded in 2023, in the wake of the Wagner Group’s failed uprising and intensified Western scrutiny, the Social Design Agency (SDA) assumed a central role in coordinating new Russian disinformation efforts. The SDA, established in 2022 by a political consultant, came under direct Kremlin direction and became the focal point for managing and innovating disinformation campaigns targeting the West.
The SDA strategically monitored social media accounts of GOP lawmakers, exploiting controversial or trending issues within American politics. Utilizing memes, fabricated articles, and viral content, the agency deepened societal polarization, demonstrating a keen sense for leveraging even a single tweet to disrupt and “create mess.” These campaigns built on IRA precedents, aiming for viral amplification more than persuasive depth.
Russian Disinformation Infrastructure and Organizations
Disinformation campaigns employ a broad arsenal of strategies, often orchestrated and scaled by Russian operators, to deceive, manipulate, and exploit audiences around the world. These tactics utilize technology, social engineering, and exploitation of trust in established institutions and figures.
Russian operatives create cloned "dummy" websites that closely mimic major news organizations like Le Monde in France, The Guardian in the U.K., and The Washington Post in the U.S. These fake websites use domain names that are subtly different from legitimate URLs, such as WashingtonPost.pm instead of washingtonpost.com, making the difference easy to overlook. The user journey is manipulated: links are spread widely across the internet and, when clicked, lead to the fake domains tailored for targeted regions.
While the appearance of these sites is convincing, subtle flaws often give them away. For instance, a fabricated Washington Post article was spotted using unusual French terminology such as "the U.S. must not become the world's gendarme," a phrase unlikely to appear in authentic American news copy. These linguistic errors can slip past unwary readers who only glance at headlines.
A core tactic is exploiting the behavior where users share provocative headlines without verifying their authenticity. Many consumers are driven by outrage or suprise and circulate eye-catching links without reading the articles, lending viral momentum to disinformation. Stories like the false claim that George Soros paid protesters originated from such cloned news articles, which were widely shared based solely on misleading headlines.
Disinformation is further amplified using bot farms. These operations involve rows of smartphones and computers hardwired to central systems, run by operators who control hundreds or thousands of accounts. Such setups create the illusion of grassroots support and can scale misinformation campaigns rapidly across multiple platforms.
These bots not only create original posts but also amplify each other's messages through automated retweets, shares, and likes. The multiplication of fake engagement gives disinformation an appearance of widespread credibility and interest, making it more likely that genuine users will accept or share false narratives.
Propagandists create fake social media posts falsely attributed to celebrities such as Taylor Swift, Kim Kardashian, and Oprah Winfrey. These fabrications include anti-Ukraine statements or "America First" messaging, aiming to sway public opinion by leveraging celebrities’ enormous followings and perceived authority.
Young or less media-literate users are particularly vulnerable; if they believe a favorite celebrity endorses a view, they are more likely to accept and share it. By weaponizing the trust inherent in parasocial relationships, these campaigns smuggle Russian talking points into the feeds of millions.
Russian operations also target the credibility frameworks of journalism with fake fact-checking sites. One example is "War on Fakes," which presents itself as an authority on misinformation while actually serving to discredit Ukraine and promote Russian military narratives. Another is "RRN," which capitalizes on confusion between "Reliable Recent News" and "Reliable Russian News."
These sites ...
Specific Methods and Tactics Used In Disinformation Campaigns
Following the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Russian disinformation efforts intensified, targeting the public in countries like France, Germany, the US, the UK, and Ukraine to weaken support for aid to Ukraine. Russian operatives aimed to persuade these western populations, especially Americans, that supporting Ukraine was draining resources from domestic needs and that the US should focus on its own problems. This was engineered to erode the unity and resolve required to maintain pressure on Russia and to facilitate Russia’s objectives in Ukraine.
Disinformation campaigns utilized an array of deceptive strategies. Russian actors published fake articles denying events like the Bucha massacre, or fabricated posts showing celebrities such as Taylor Swift and Kim Kardashian calling for America to stop supporting Ukraine. These efforts were crafted both to whitewash Russian war crimes and frame opposition to Ukraine aid as mainstream. One specific project mentioned, "the Good Old USA," targeted swing-state voters with messaging designed to sway opinion against Ukraine support ahead of the 2024 US election.
Russian disinformation campaigns have exploited existing American political divides, notably by aligning their messaging with Republican and "America First" rhetoric. Donald Trump’s platform of skepticism toward foreign intervention and prioritization of domestic issues provided fertile ground for Russian propagandists, whose messaging echoed this isolationist stance.
To further their reach, Russian operatives spent $10 million through a front company, Tenet Media, paying right-wing YouTubers—often unknowingly—to produce content favorable to Russia. Russian campaigners also monitored GOP lawmakers’ social media to identify grievances among conservative voters, developing meme campaigns and false narratives to magnify these concerns and create deeper wedges within American society.
Russian information operations have repeatedly fabricated narratives to incite division and conflict in the US. In 2024, they used cloned Washington Post sites to publicize fake stories claiming the Soros and Rockefeller Foundations were paying protesters $30 an hour to demonstrate against Israel’s invasion of Gaza. The intent was to stoke outrage and mistrust.
A notorious example from 2016 saw Russian agents engineering fake protest movements in Texas around the invented issue of "Islamification." They created both pro- and anti-Islamification groups, attracting real participants who believed in the authenticity of these threats and became engaged in genuine confrontations—all orchestrated by foreign state actors with the intent to fuel domestic strife.
Despite the scale of these operations, studies found Russian disinformation had limited direct impact during the 2016 election, with 1% of users seeing 70% of the content. Rather than dramatically changing minds, the impact of Russian disinformation manifests as reinforcement of preexisting beliefs and sowing doubt and confusion. By flooding social media with high-volume, contradictory, and sensati ...
Impact and Consequences of Disinformation Efforts
Josh Clark highlights that the primary work of identifying and tracking Russian disinformation has not been the domain of government agencies, but rather of independent journalists and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). For nearly a decade, as Russian disinformation operations thrived, no significant intervention came from any American federal agency. Instead, dedicated NGOs and independent researchers performed most of the vital investigative work. The EU’s Disinfo Lab, for example, played a pivotal role by naming and categorizing Operation Doppelganger, even though it lacked any enforcement authority.
Government engagement came only belatedly. In September 2024—after two years of Doppelganger's activities— the U.S. Department of Justice finally intervened, taking down 32 Doppelganger websites. This action, driven by concerns about risk before a U.S. election, lagged far behind the consistent work done by civilians and researchers.
Chuck Bryant and Josh Clark discuss how tech platforms like Meta have repeatedly promised action against disinformation, but their actual enforcement is limited and ineffective. Despite public commitments to remove disinformation pages and inauthentic behavior, Meta and other tech companies fail to detect 95% of undeclared political ads, the primary vector for much of the disinformation. The financial incentive to allow ads, even from suspicious sources, undermines policy enforcement, as ad revenue is prioritized over robust moderation.
This creates a clear gap between the companies’ stated commitments against disinformation and their real-world enforcement, suggesting either incompetence or a deliberate strategic inaction to preserve profitable ad streams.
Clark and Bryant liken the current approach to a futile “whack-a-mole” game: every time a website, app, or account is banned, Russian operations resurface in a new form elsewhere. This dynamic generates media attention and, inadvertently, amplifies overall awareness of Russian disinformation efforts. For example, when details of Operation Doppelganger were leaked—possibly by Russian operatives themselves—it led to increased headlines and public discussion, which, as strategists calculated, could foster more distrust and chaos than covert manipulation alone.
Thus, even enforcement-based responses like taking down websites or blocking accounts do not address the underlying structural vulnerabilities in internet architecture and social media algorithms that enable such campaigns. Instead, they may further the publicity aims of disinformation networks.
Russian disinformation networks now employ low-cost AI to generate massive amounts of content across multiple platforms, shifting operations quickly when countered. Western response ...
Western Response Efforts and Their Limitations
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