In this episode of NPR's Book of the Day, Leila Fadel speaks with investigative journalist Rozina Ali about the historical roots of Islamophobia in America. Ali's research reveals that anti-Muslim and anti-Arab sentiment became embedded in American consciousness decades before September 11th, tracing back to government surveillance practices that began in the 1960s and 1970s following the 1967 Israel-Arab War.
The conversation examines how these historical patterns persist today through disparate sentencing in terrorism cases, widespread post-9/11 surveillance of Muslim communities, and the challenges Muslim political candidates face. Ali discusses specific cases that illustrate how terrorism laws are applied unevenly and explains how counterterrorism practices have effectively criminalized Muslim religious communities. The episode provides context for understanding how Muslims continue to be perceived as fundamentally different from other Americans despite their long-standing presence in the country.

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Leila Fadel and investigative journalist Rozina Ali explore how anti-Muslim and anti-Arab sentiment in the United States predates the September 11th attacks by decades. Ali's research reveals that the portrayal of Islam as foreign and dangerous, along with government surveillance, became embedded in American consciousness during the 1960s and 1970s.
Ali highlights the Jabara family's experience to illustrate how federal authorities targeted Muslim and Arab Americans simply because of their heritage, despite the family's civic engagement and military service. FBI agents visited mosques and questioned attendees as early as 1968 and 1969. Ali connects this surge in federal scrutiny to the 1967 Israel-Arab War, which was pivotal in shaping Arab American identity and triggering government suspicion. After this conflict, law enforcement began viewing Muslim and Arab communities as potential security threats, a perception that solidified in the American imagination and has persisted to the present day.
Fadel describes how Mateen Siraj, a young Muslim man manipulated by a law enforcement informant, received a 30-year prison sentence despite never buying materials or building explosives. In contrast, two white supremacists who bought ammunition and had their attack foiled after firing shots received sentences of only 10 and 14 years. Ali explains that courts justify lengthy sentences for terrorism defendants through fear-based reasoning: judges speculate that imprisonment may radicalize defendants further, creating a Kafkaesque cycle where Muslim defendants face insurmountable barriers to demonstrating rehabilitation. This uneven application of terrorism laws, Ali emphasizes, sends a social signal that Muslims are uniquely dangerous, perpetuating Islamophobic narratives.
Ali explains that after 9/11, nearly the entire Muslim community fell under widespread surveillance from federal authorities, local police, and even neighbors. This approach effectively criminalized the Muslim religious community regardless of individual actions. Counterterrorism prosecutions, often involving entrapment schemes using informants, have disproportionately impacted Muslim Americans, amplifying fear and reinforcing the community's experience of ongoing suspicion.
Ali notes that Muslim candidates like Abdullah El-Sayed and Zoran Mamdani face Islamophobic attacks with little political consequence. Fadel describes how visual tactics, such as contrasting photos highlighting religious dress, are used to suggest Muslims embody an incompatible vision for America. Ali argues the country is deeply divided over Muslim political participation, with some viewing Muslim candidates as threats while others see diversity as positive. While pockets of progress exist, Ali observes that the broader national perception still casts Muslims as intrinsically different rather than as integral members of the American community.
1-Page Summary
Leila Fadel and investigative journalist Rozina Ali explore how anti-Muslim and anti-Arab sentiment in the United States has roots reaching decades before the September 11th attacks. Ali's research reveals that the depiction of Islam as foreign and dangerous, as well as government surveillance, became embedded in American consciousness during the 1960s and 1970s.
Rozina Ali highlights how the Jabara family’s experiences illustrate early government suspicion and surveillance of Muslim and Arab Americans. The Jabara patriarch served in the U.S. Army and was an active member of various organizations in his small town. Despite these signs of civic engagement and patriotism, the family was targeted by federal authorities simply because of their Arab and Muslim heritage. This targeting wasn’t unique to the Jabaras, but part of a broader pattern of anti-Arab and anti-Muslim focus from the government in the 1960s and 1970s.
Ali notes that, in the wake of the geopolitical changes of the late 1960s, FBI agents visited mosques and questioned people about their participation as early as 1968 and 1969. Law enforcement treated mosque attendance and community gathering as activities worthy of surveillance, reinforcing suspicion based on religion and origin.
The Israel-Arab War of 1967, also known as the Six-Day War, was pivotal in shaping the political identity of Arab Americans, particularly in places like Michigan. Rozina Ali connects the surge in federal scrutiny and societal suspicion to this geopolitical conflict. Law enforcement and national security agencies began to view Muslim and Arab communities as potential threats based purely on their religious and ethnic identity. This conflation of religious identity with danger or foreignness became a common part of the American mindset after 1967.
Roots of Islamophobia in America Before 9/11: The 1960s-70s
Leila Fadel describes how Mateen Siraj, a young Muslim man, was convicted of terrorism despite not buying any materials, not building explosives, and ultimately withdrawing from a plot to attack a New York subway station—a plot set in motion following manipulation by a law enforcement informant. Nevertheless, Mateen received a 30-year prison sentence. In stark contrast, two white supremacists who planned a racist gunfire attack, bought ammunition, and had their attack foiled after one shot was fired, received far shorter sentences—one 10 years, the other 14. These white supremacists were much further along in carrying out their planned violence than Mateen, yet the legal system imposed far lighter penalties.
Rozina Ali explains that the courts justify lengthy sentences for terrorism defendants under a logic based in fear: judges speculate that after years in solitary confinement or prison, defendants may become even more radicalized and thus remain a threat upon release. This circular reasoning means that the mere possibility of future radicalization becomes justification for indefinite punishment, making it mathematically impossible for someone to conclusively demonstrate their rehabilitation or satisfy the court's concerns about potential danger. As a result, no matter how long the sentence or the conditions endured, Muslim defendants like Mateen often face insurmountable barriers to winning their freedom ...
Systemic Injustice in Terrorism Cases: Sentencing Disparities and Fear-Based Reasoning
After 9/11, Rozina Ali explains that nearly the entire Muslim community in the United States fell under a broad case of suspicion. This suspicion did not only come from federal authorities like the FBI and local police departments, but also extended to neighbors. In this new era, a widespread monitoring apparatus developed, targeting Muslims primarily because of their religious identity and perceived associations with the events of 9/11. This approach to counterterrorism effectively criminalized the Muslim religious community, placing them under persistent scrutiny regardless of individual actions.
The justice system’s counterterrorism prosecutions have had a disproportionate impact on Muslim Am ...
Effect of Post-9/11 Counterterrorism on Muslim Americans via Surveillance and Suspicion
Islamophobia frequently shapes the experience of Muslim politicians and candidates in the United States, as anti-Muslim rhetoric is weaponized against them with little consequence. Public debates over their belonging and visibility reveal ongoing divisions in American society and a persistent view of Muslims as outsiders, especially in the political arena.
Rozina Ali notes that candidate Abdullah Al-Sayed, running for Senate in Michigan, is facing Islamophobic attacks similar to those experienced by others such as New York City mayoral candidate Zoran Mamdani. In Mamdani’s case, references to 9/11 were repeatedly evoked, painting him as a potential threat to the city—an example of how anti-Muslim sentiment is leveraged as a political weapon. Ali finds it astonishing that politicians can circulate such Islamophobic rhetoric with almost no repercussions or political cost, even as they openly peddle vitriol.
Visual tactics have also been employed to invoke division. Leila Fadel describes a moment when the president posted a photo of himself with Melania alongside a photo of El-Sayed and his wife, Sarah Joukakou, who wears a hijab. The caption, “Two very different Americas,” suggests that Muslim Americans, by mere presence or appearance, embody an incompatible vision for the United States.
Ali argues that this country is deeply divided over the presence and participation of Muslims in politics. When public figures or political leaders share images of Muslim candidates and their visibly religious spouses, such as Abdullah El-Sayed’s wife’s hijab, these visual markers become focal points for polarized reactions. One part of the population may see such a photo and feel threatened, rejecting the idea that people like El-Sayed and his family should belong in America. Another part, by contrast, sees such diversity as a positive reflection of American pluralism an ...
Islamophobia's Impact on Muslim Politicians and Candidates
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