In this episode of NPR's Book of the Day, host Scott Detrow speaks with Peter Bergen and artist Sam Holleran about the 25th anniversary of September 11. Bergen and Steve Inskeep examine how presidential war powers have expanded since 9/11, with presidents increasingly bypassing congressional authorization and traditional safeguards for military action. The conversation explores how modern military strategies and an all-volunteer force have reduced public engagement with national security decisions, and how post-9/11 security investments have made Americans safer from foreign terrorism while reducing privacy and freedom.
Holleran discusses his work documenting memorials built with salvaged World Trade Center steel, explaining how these pieces of wreckage have become sacred relics distributed to communities nationwide. The episode addresses how these memorials serve as focal points for collective memory, particularly as a generation emerges with no direct experience of the attacks, and how they foster reflection on loss rather than simplified patriotic narratives.

Sign up for Shortform to access the whole episode summary along with additional materials like counterarguments and context.
Peter Bergen and Steve Inskeep discuss how presidents have increasingly bypassed traditional checks on military action since 9/11, with changes in U.S. military structure insulating both the public and lawmakers from the costs and consequences of war.
After September 11, President George W. Bush's military action in Afghanistan satisfied all traditional requirements: an imminent threat, congressional approval, UN resolution, and NATO backing. This set a baseline for future conflicts. However, Bergen points out that the 2003 Iraq War marked significant erosion of these standards, with a false threat claim and minimal NATO support beyond Britain. President Obama's 2011 Libya intervention continued this trend, lacking congressional authorization entirely—a failure Obama later called his greatest mistake. The most extreme case Bergen cites is the Iran War, which proceeded without any major safeguards: no imminent threat, congressional authorization, NATO or UN backing, and only 41 percent public support.
Bergen explains that modern "small footprint" strategies deliberately minimize American casualties by having local forces do most of the fighting while U.S. involvement remains limited to support and air power. With an all-volunteer military comprising only one percent of the population, most Americans are unlikely to be directly impacted by military decisions, enabling presidents to act with less fear of backlash. Bergen notes this is a sharp departure from the Korean or Vietnam War eras, when the draft ensured broad civilian scrutiny. This disconnect now allows presidents to embrace military commitments that would likely face stronger resistance if broader public engagement were in place.
Bergen argues that Congress's diminishing role in national security has deeply undercut public oversight of U.S. military actions.
Bergen points out that the founders designed the government to prevent a single individual from taking the nation to war unilaterally, requiring Congress to authorize military action. The current situation, where presidents frequently initiate action without congressional approval, stands in stark contrast to this vision. As Congress steps back from its constitutional responsibility, Bergen asserts that the American public's voice in these matters has eroded, directly diminishing their ability to influence decisions about war, military spending, or foreign policy. Bergen calls for a return to the founders' model to restore democratic oversight.
Bergen links Congress's withdrawal to a broader decline in public engagement with U.S. military policy. Following 9/11, media coverage unified national sentiment and paved the way for military actions with little genuine citizen input. As presidents have grown more assertive, public opinion has less sway over whether the U.S. goes to war or which strategies it pursues abroad. Bergen concludes that this erosion of congressional authority is fundamentally an erosion of democracy itself, leaving Americans unable to influence critical decisions about military spending, strategy, and foreign conflicts.
The aftermath of September 11 saw the U.S. invest heavily in defensive security, resulting in significant improvements in protection against foreign terrorist threats while bringing substantial reductions in privacy and freedom.
Bergen notes that before 9/11, major institutions like the TSA and DHS did not exist. The DHS is now the largest government agency outside the Pentagon, and FBI-led joint terrorism task forces have tripled. The intelligence budget has increased fivefold, enhancing surveillance capabilities and preventing large-scale attacks. Bergen observes that since 9/11, there has been only one attack on American territory by a foreign terrorist organization: the 2019 Pensacola shooting by a Saudi military officer that killed three soldiers. This record suggests defensive measures have been highly effective.
Bergen highlights that much of today's surveillance technology stemmed from post-9/11 counterterrorism needs. Companies like Palantir grew from intelligence analysis requirements, and cameras with facial recognition now track individuals in public spaces. These tools have become normalized, utilizing monitoring technology that would have met resistance pre-9/11. Steve Inskeep summarizes the tradeoff: while the U.S. is safer from foreign terrorism, Americans are no longer as free as before September 11. Bergen agrees, acknowledging that the new landscape means less freedom in movement, communication, and privacy.
Across the United States, salvaged steel from the World Trade Center serves as a powerful medium for local memorials, transforming metal wreckage into sacred relics.
After the attacks, the Port Authority retrieved select pieces of steel while 95–96% was recycled overseas. Decision-makers focused on beams bearing visible signs of trauma from the attacks. Sam Holleran notes this selection process mirrored themes of suffering and transformation in Christian art, making the steel modern relics with a religious aura. Communities nationwide sought pieces for local memorials, especially ahead of the 10th anniversary. The Port Authority coordinated ceremonial distribution, favoring fire stations and nonprofits over national institutions, allowing local populations to transform abstract national grief into tactile, personal experience.
The Port Authority was acutely aware of the line between memorialization and monetization. Drawing from the Berlin Wall's fate—where pieces became commercialized souvenirs—the Port Authority prohibited commercial sale of WTC steel. Holleran notes that the Berlin Wall experience served as a cautionary tale. The Port Authority intervened to stop any attempts to sell steel pieces, reinforcing the relic's sacred status and preserving its memorial function.
Scott Detrow notes that more adults in the U.S. now lack any direct memory of the attacks. Holleran observes that a new generation is emerging for whom post-9/11 governance is simply normal. These younger Americans can approach the events with fresh eyes and consider memorialization with a focus on reflection rather than flag-waving patriotism.
Detrow discusses how artist Sam Holleran has been captivated by memorials built with salvaged WTC steel. Holleran points out that these steel memorials often appear as anonymous pieces of street furniture until people realize their origin, which delivers a powerful impact. He highlights that the deformation and twisting of the steel beams physically demonstrate the immense intensity of the attacks. Accompanying plaques explain the historical context, allowing visitors to interpret the meaning for themselves. Holleran notes that these memorials typically lack overt patriotic displays, instead fostering a somber tone focused on loss and mourning—moving collective memory from simplified patriotic narratives toward nuanced commemoration that centers on reflection.
1-Page Summary
Peter Bergen and Steve Inskeep discuss the post-9/11 trend of expanding presidential war powers, highlighting how presidents have increasingly bypassed traditional checks on military action and how changes in U.S. military structure and strategy insulate both the public and lawmakers from the costs and consequences of war.
After the September 11 attacks, President George W. Bush pursued military action in Afghanistan that satisfied all traditional requirements for U.S. war efforts. There was an imminent threat, explicit congressional authorization, a UN resolution supporting the right to self-defense, and collective backing from all NATO allies under Article 5. This moment set a baseline: future conflicts, in theory, should meet similar benchmarks to justify military action.
Bergen points out that the 2003 Iraq War marked a significant erosion of these standards. The claim of an imminent threat was false, and there was no UN resolution in support of the invasion. NATO support dwindled to essentially only Britain, though Bush still secured a strong congressional vote, reflecting initial strong public approval (75 percent support at the outset). However, this support did not last, highlighting the fragility of public buy-in when key justifications are absent or misleading.
President Obama continued this trend during the 2011 Libya intervention. While there was a UN resolution and some NATO support, Obama never sought or received congressional authorization for military action. According to Bergen, Obama later described his failure to plan for post-conflict Libya as his greatest mistake, emphasizing how executive action increasingly neglected essential safeguards and planning.
The most extreme case cited is the Iran War, which went ahead lacking every major safeguard: there was no imminent threat, no congressional authorization, no NATO or UN backing, and public support was only 41 percent—the lowest since wartime polling began. Bergen underscores that, despite the traditional requirements, presidents have evolved to the point where they can increasingly bypass these constraints altogether.
Modern strategies, as seen in the anti-ISIS campaign, deliberately minimize American casualties and financial cost by adopting a “go light and go long” approach. In these operations, local forces such as the Iraqis and Syrians do most of the fighting and dying, while American involvement remains limited to support and air power. This minimizes the impact on U.S. tro ...
Expansion of Presidential War Powers
Peter Bergen argues that the diminishing role of Congress in national security matters has deeply undercut public participation and oversight in the United States' military actions and decisions.
Bergen points out that the U.S. founders specifically designed the government to prevent a single individual—a king-like figure—from taking the nation to war unilaterally. This system required Congress to play an integral role in authorizing military action, ensuring that military decisions had broader public backing and oversight.
Historically, the founders’ intention was to make sure no president could engage in military action without congressional consent. Bergen highlights that the current situation, in which modern presidents frequently initiate military action without Congress’s direct approval, stands in stark contrast to the founders’ vision.
As Congress increasingly steps back from its constitutional responsibility to authorize and oversee military actions, Bergen asserts that the American public’s voice in these matters has eroded. Congressional retreat on national security issues directly diminishes the public’s ability to influence decisions that may send the country to war, determine military spending, or shape foreign policy strategy.
Bergen calls for a return to the founders' model, in which Congress takes its responsibilities more seriously. By regaining its authority in national security matters, Congress would restore the public’s role and ensure greater democratic oversight of military decisions.
Bergen links Congress’s withdrawal from national security decision-making to a broader decline in public engagement and influence over U.S. military policy.
Following the 9/11 attacks, media coverage unified national sentiment and paved the way for significant military actions. Bergen suggests these ac ...
Erosion of Public Participation in National Security
The aftermath of the September 11 attacks saw the United States invest heavily in defensive security, resulting in significant improvements in protection against foreign terrorist threats. However, these measures have also brought about a substantial reduction in privacy and freedom for citizens.
Peter Bergen notes that before 9/11, major security institutions such as the Transportation Security Administration (TSA) and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) did not exist. The DHS is now the largest government agency outside the Pentagon, and the number of FBI-led joint terrorism task forces has tripled since 2001. These institutions form the backbone of an expanded and unprecedented national security infrastructure.
Bergen adds that the intelligence budget has increased fivefold since 9/11. This enormous expansion has allowed for enhanced surveillance and intelligence capabilities, playing a direct role in preventing large-scale terrorist attacks on American soil.
As a result of these investments and expanded capabilities, Bergen observes that the U.S. is significantly safer from foreign terrorist attacks. Since 9/11, there has been only one attack on American territory by a foreign terrorist organization: the 2019 Pensacola shooting by a Saudi military officer, which killed three American soldiers. This record suggests that defensive measures have been highly effective.
Bergen highlights that much of the surveillance technology now in use stemmed from the post-9/11 counterterrorism environment. Companies such as Palantir grew out of the need to analyze vast streams of intelli ...
Post-9/11 Safety vs. Civil Liberties
Across the United States, salvaged steel from the ruins of the World Trade Center serves as a powerful medium for local memorials, transforming metal wreckage into sacred relics that invite communities to grieve, remember, and reflect.
After the September 11 attacks, the Port Authority retrieved select pieces of steel and placed them in a hangar at JFK airport, while 95–96% of the rest was recycled overseas. VIP tours of this steel were offered to military members, emergency management, and government officials—many described the hangar, adorned with a massive American flag and floor-laid steel, as a "very sacred space."
The Port Authority created a specialized archive team to curate from the mass of distressed artifacts. Decision-makers focused on beams that bore visible signs of twisting, warping, or other trauma from the attacks. Sam Holleran notes that this selection process mirrored themes of suffering and transformation found in Christian art, especially the depiction of tormented bodies in medieval and Renaissance paintings. The chosen steel thus became physical evidence of pain and endurance—a modern relic with a religious aura.
Communities across the nation sought pieces of the WTC steel for their own local memorials, especially ahead of the attack’s 10th anniversary. The Port Authority coordinated ceremonial distribution, often with the involvement of public officials and VIPs. Fire stations and nonprofits became favored recipients, creating community-based sites of mourning over placements in national institutions. This allowed local populations—sometimes from far-flung places—to lay hands on the artifacts, transforming abstract national grief into tactile, personal experience. In many locations, the steel has even been shaped into crosses and religious symbols, amplifying its status as a sacred object able to channel collective emotion.
From the start, the Port Authority was acutely aware of the fragile line between memorial ...
World Trade Center Steel as Memorials and Relics
Scott Detrow notes that, with the passage of 25 years since September 11, 2001, more adults in the United States now lack any direct memory of the attacks. Holleran observes that a new generation is emerging in which many of the patriotic narratives and emotional frameworks that dominated the years immediately following the attacks are beginning to fade. For these younger Americans, post-9-11 governance and the resulting national security state are simply the normal conditions of their lives. As a result, they are able to approach the events with fresh eyes, unconditioned by the lived experience of national trauma, and can consider memorialization with a focus on reflection rather than on flag-waving patriotism.
Detrow discusses how artist Sam Holleran has long been captivated by 9-11 memorials built with salvaged steel from the World Trade Center, such as a modest three-foot-tall steel piece standing outside a fire station in Virginia. Holleran points out that these steel memorials often appear as anonymous pieces of street furniture until people realize their origin, which delivers a moving and powerful impact.
Holleran highlights that even those who have forgotten, or never knew about the attacks, can approach the steel and sense that this unique, weathered, and twisted material has been through something significant. These memorials serve as tangible relics, turning the attacks from a distant, televised event into something physically and emotionally real.
Holleran describes how the deformation, weathering, and twisting of the steel beams physic ...
Long-Term Consequences and Collective Memory of 9-11
Download the Shortform Chrome extension for your browser
