In this episode of Modern Wisdom, Chris Williamson leads a psychology roundtable with Macken Murphy, Steve Stewart-Williams, and Rob Henderson to examine how evolutionary psychology and economic shifts are reshaping modern dating. The conversation addresses persistent myths about mate selection, revealing how women's rising economic independence has altered but not eliminated traditional preferences for resourceful partners, while men's preference for physical attractiveness remains stable across cultures and circumstances.
The discussion explores contemporary dating phenomena including the male "beautification arms race," the mechanics of dating apps and how they distort perceptions of sexual dynamics, and the "ick" response women experience. The group also examines data challenging the "Chad" narrative, identifies the "dark matter" of women invisible in online dating discourse, and discusses how desire patterns shift within relationships. Throughout, the conversation illustrates how evolved psychology interacts with modern economic and social contexts to produce today's dating landscape.

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In a conversation between Chris Williamson, Macken Murphy, Steve Stewart-Williams, and Rob Henderson, the group explores how rising female economic independence is reshaping mate preferences for both sexes, with some traditional patterns persisting while new behaviors emerge.
As young women now out-earn young men in major U.S. cities, Williamson notes that women's historic preference for resourceful partners has generally declined. Murphy points out that high-earning women are less interested in "mating up" economically, though Henderson emphasizes that in practice, high-achieving women still tend to marry men doing at least as well financially. The preference doesn't disappear—it simply becomes one of several priorities rather than the dominant factor.
Murphy explains that wealthier women set higher standards across multiple dimensions: they seek partners who are attractive, intelligent, supportive parents, and politically aligned. David Buss's research shows that as women gain financial security, their relative desire for wealthy partners diminishes, but overall standards in other areas rise. Murphy also notes that resource preference intensifies for both sexes when economically disadvantaged, reflecting adaptations to scarcity.
While women's preferences shift with economic changes, men's preference for physical attractiveness remains remarkably stable across cultures and economic circumstances. Murphy and Stewart-Williams argue this stability supports evolutionary explanations: women's resource preferences are strategically flexible, while men's preference for beauty is more deeply rooted in biology.
Stewart-Williams cites evidence that wealthier, higher-status men are more likely to marry and stay married, while women's marriage odds don't substantially shift with wealth. This effect may stem as much from competitive advantage over other men as from direct attraction by women.
Data from David Buss and others shows that male and female mate preferences have converged over the past century, especially after women gained financial autonomy. Murphy and Williamson observe new behaviors emerging: women increasingly signal status through luxury goods—not primarily to attract men but to impress rivals or deter competition. Henderson suggests such displays signal investment that discourages rival women from pursuing their partner.
Meanwhile, men have tripled their parenting efforts since the 1970s and invested more in physical appearance. This beautification trend likely reflects men competing in new domains important to economically autonomous women. Murphy concludes these patterns arise from economic and social change rather than fixed biological imperatives, with mate preferences proving dynamic and context-driven.
Murphy, Williamson, and Henderson discuss an unprecedented shift in male competition strategies, moving from resource acquisition to beautification, formidability, and status optimization within a modern "looks-maxing" arms race.
Murphy notes that weightlifting, once negligible among previous generations, is now nearly universal among Gen Z males. Williamson emphasizes gym attendance for beautification among men is now "4x, 5x, 6x, 10x what it would have been 100 years ago." Murphy observes that routine male beautification has increased every decade since the 1990s, with Marta Kowal's study finding that gym-centric beautification has driven men in seven countries to surpass women in time spent on appearance. Even outside influencer culture, daily grooming, skincare, supplements, and cosmetic procedures are increasingly mainstream among men.
Williamson links this rise to women's economic empowerment, suggesting that as women become less dependent on men for resources, men pivot to competing via appearance and physical presence.
Henderson summarizes David Putz's study showing that formidability, as perceived by other men, predicted sexual partner acquisition, whereas attractiveness as rated by women had no statistical effect. Williamson emphasizes this finding reveals that status within male hierarchies explains sexual outcomes better than female evaluation of male looks.
Williamson also describes how hyper-masculinized features, though not necessarily attractive to women, signal formidability and status to other men—"it's just signaling formidable, signaling status and formidable to other men. It's the handbag of the face." Henderson agrees that "looks-maxing" often results in marginal or even negative value for female attraction, with extreme enhancements appearing vain. The satisfaction often derives from "mogging" or outdoing other men rather than increasing appeal to women.
Extreme enhancement includes practices like "bone-smashing," steroid cycles, and cosmetic procedures. Henderson describes influencers who prioritize status and competitive dominance over real-world sexual conquests, sometimes irreversibly altering their bodies.
Murphy notes looksmax.org's "first rule": Don't talk about looksmaxing, a norm of secrecy to protect individual advantages. The rationale is strategic—if everyone adopts enhancement strategies, the benefits vanish. Murphy details that if every man increases his investment in appearance, collective benefits disappear and the competitive bar only rises, absorbing more resources without advancing anyone's interests beyond perpetual contest for prestige.
Analysis of sexual behavior statistics and dating app dynamics reveals a more nuanced reality than the narrative that a small group of "Chads" dominate romantic attention, with discussions often overlooking a vast "invisible" population not participating in online dating.
Henderson highlights that about 18–20% of men report having three or more sexual partners within the past year, while for women it's approximately 12–18%. These proportions have remained stable, with the most common response being one partner—followed by zero. Most sexual activity occurs within relationships, and the notion that a handful of "Chads" monopolize female attention is overstated. Instead, the highly promiscuous—about 10% of both men and women—tend to engage with each other.
Dating app mechanics exaggerate rare dynamics of sexual selectivity. On Tinder, just 4% of men receive the bulk of female swipes; on Hinge, the top 10% of male users get 60% of likes. However, what's being measured is novelty and immediate attraction rather than real-world relationship formation. Studies show facial attractiveness greatly outscores other traits in swipe decisions.
Media stories of humiliating rejections and outlier hookup incidents go viral because of shock value, not frequency, skewing public perception. Consequently, dating app preferences often diverge from individuals' real-life partner choices and long-term mating outcomes.
Henderson and Williamson identify the "dark matter" of dating: women who don't participate in app culture at all, including those already in relationships or preferring traditional partnership. This cohort forms a substantial majority not visible in dating app statistics or social media stories. Their absence creates a mismatch between perceptions—fueled by viral tales and high-activity dating subcultures—and underlying demographic realities. Understanding the true landscape requires considering not only the visible tip but also this vast population whose traditional practices anchor patterns of partnership and sexuality.
Modern dating is shaped by evolved psychology, cultural norms, and shifting social contexts, with research illuminating persistent sex differences, the impact of authenticity on attraction, and how cultural factors shape ideals of beauty.
Murphy and Stewart-Williams argue that the "ick" phenomenon—an abrupt loss of attraction women disproportionately report—reflects deeper evolutionary constraints. For women, choosing the wrong mate could incur heavy biological costs, driving heightened choosiness. Williamson explains the "ick" is often peri-subconscious, manifesting as visceral reactions to subtle social cues. Diana Fleischmann provides examples: even minor missteps like missing a turn or telling a bad joke can cause momentary loss of attraction.
Louisa Lee's research on the evolutionary psychology behind the "ick" finds support for its link to evolved disgust and mate choice mechanisms, with women's disgust responses screening for unfitness signals.
Murphy describes a study in China where women's attractiveness increased after makeup or surgery, but men's interest in dating them dropped when informed of enhancements. Henderson and Stewart-Williams suggest that learning about enhancements shifts personality inferences—finding someone vain or insecure—which can be off-putting for long-term partnership.
This preference for authenticity explains secrecy norms in looks-maxing communities. Williamson points out that people are hyper-vigilant about "cheating the system," scrutinizing whether signals are genuine or artificial. Once detected, the value of those signals fades, reinforcing why natural beauty is typically preferred.
Cross-cultural studies show consistent patterns: men prioritize youth and beauty, while women emphasize resources and slightly older partners. However, cultural, ecological, and economic factors cause nuanced shifts. Gender inequality and economic environment influence the magnitude of these preferences, with age gaps shrinking and women's demand for wealthy partners decreasing as gender equality increases.
Resource cues are tightly linked to scarcity and abundance. In societies marked by scarcity, higher body fat is valued as a sign of fertility; in wealthy societies, thinness dominates. Researchers argue that while there's an innate "nudge" toward sex-differentiated preferences, ecological factors and cultural evolution substantially shape their expression.
Studies show women's sexual interest drops sharply—by about half in the first year—and continues to decline, while men self-report consistently wanting approximately double the amount of sex as their partners. This pattern supports the idea that women may initially deploy high sexual availability as a mate-retention strategy to secure commitment, with interest waning once commitment is established. This rapid decline highlights active relationship negotiation dynamics beyond mere reproductive biology.
Henderson argues that for many women, receiving large amounts of sexual attention produces satisfaction on par with what men experience from sex itself. This intense attention can be a powerful motivator and drive riskier behaviors. Henderson discusses cases of attractive female teachers involved with teenage students, explaining that the unique, intense reaction from adolescent males serves as an extraordinarily potent source of validation. He likens this to supernormal stimuli, referencing pornography for men and OnlyFans for women—both harness exaggerated incentives stimulating behaviors to degrees unachievable in ordinary life.
Henderson describes a poll showing about 75% of men preferred sleeping with someone very attractive who wasn't attracted to them, while 75% of women preferred sleeping with a less attractive partner who found them attractive. This sex difference ties to broader evolutionary strategies: men value attractiveness above reciprocated desire, while women prioritize being valued and desired. Esther Perel notes that for women, being desired is often the most important arousing factor, and when both motivations are satisfied, mating and pair-bonding are optimized.
1-Page Summary
The conversation between Chris Williamson, Macken Murphy, Steve Stewart-Williams, and Rob Henderson explores how changing economics—particularly the rising economic status of women—affects mate preferences for both sexes, with nuanced persistence of old patterns and the emergence of new behaviors.
Recent data shows young women out-earning young men in major U.S. cities such as New York, DC, Boston, and LA, reflecting a broader trend of growing female economic independence. Chris Williamson notes that as women have become richer, their preference for resourceful partners—historically a major driver in mate selection—has generally reduced.
Macken Murphy points out that high-earning women are less interested in "mating up" economically; experiments confirm a broad decline in prioritizing wealth among women with higher incomes. However, Rob Henderson emphasizes that, in practice, high-achieving women tend to marry men doing at least as well financially as themselves. The decline in resource preference is relative: although the absolute expectation might increase, the proportion of importance compared to other partner qualities drops. The desire for resourcefulness does not disappear; it simply becomes one preference among several.
Murphy elaborates that richer women set higher standards across the board. Besides wealth, they seek partners who are attractive, intelligent, supportive parents, and politically aligned. Studies like David Buss's highlight that "attractive women want it all," indicating broadened preferences as resources increase. Thus, as women find financial security, their relative desire for wealthy partners diminishes, but overall standards in other domains rise.
Murphy notes that resource preference intensifies when individuals are economically disadvantaged—true for both men and women. When poorer, women’s desire to "mate up" grows stronger, but the pattern softens, not vanishes, as their economic conditions improve. This may reflect adaptations to resource scarcity, possibly via evolved psychological mechanisms that modulate mate preferences in response to financial context.
While women's mate preferences shift with changing economic realities, men's preferences for physical attractiveness are strikingly stable. Experiments and cross-cultural data show that men’s interest in physical beauty does not waver with changes in their own or women’s economic circumstances—or even with broader societal shifts in gender equality.
Murphy and Stewart-Williams argue this stability supports evolutionary psychological explanations: whereas women’s resource preferences are strategically flexible, men’s preference for beauty is more strongly rooted in biology. In digital dating, facial attractiveness overwhelmingly drives swiping decisions, regardless of other profile data.
Steve Stewart-Williams cites evidence that higher-status, wealthier men are more likely to marry, stay married, and remarry if divorced. While wealth doesn't substantially shift women’s marriage odds, men’s financial resources play a significant role. This effect may stem as much from competitive advantage over other men as from direct attraction by women.
Over the past century, especia ...
Sex Differences in Mate Preferences and Economic Status
Discussion among Macken Murphy, Chris Williamson, and Rob Henderson highlights an unprecedented transformation in male competition strategies, shifting emphasis from resource acquisition to beautification, formidability, and status optimization, all within the context of a modern "looks-maxing" arms race.
Macken Murphy cites analysis showing that weightlifting, once negligible among previous generations, is now nearly universal among Gen Z males, describing them as "recreational bodybuilders." Chris Williamson emphasizes the magnitude of this shift, noting that gym attendance for beautification among men is now "4x, 5x, 6x, 10x what it would have been 100 years ago." Weightlifting and muscle mass gain are now dominant behaviors for young men, impacting both their appearance and formidability, and reflect a fundamental change in how males compete.
Murphy observes that routine male beautification has increased every decade since the 1990s, such that even the habits of "normal men" would look foreign to their grandfathers. Marta Kowal's study, cited by Murphy, finds that while women generally beautify more, gym-centric beautification has driven men in seven countries to surpass women in time spent on appearance. The line between gym for health and gym for beauty has blurred, with bodybuilding and aesthetic goals consuming significant effort. Makeup is also discussed, with Murphy noting that male makeup enthusiasts—while a small population—often invest more hours than women, such as influencers like James Charles spending "16 hours a day." Even outside the influencer elite, daily grooming, skincare, supplements, and sometimes cosmetic procedures are increasingly mainstream among men.
Williamson links the rise in male beautification to the economic empowerment of women, suggesting that as women become less dependent on men for resources, men pivot to competing via appearance and physical presence. He references the culture propagated by bodybuilding figures such as Ziz, with their ethos of "disregard women, acquire dance moves," indicating a shift toward competition within all-male hierarchies rather than for direct female approval.
Rob Henderson summarizes David Putz’s study where men were rated by other men for formidability and by women for attractiveness. The results revealed that formidability, as perceived by other men, predicted the number of sexual partners acquired in 18 months, whereas sexual attractiveness as rated by women had no statistical effect. Williamson emphasizes, “finding out that formidable is better predictive of male mating success than attractiveness,” underscoring that status within male hierarchies explains sexual outcomes better than female evaluation of male looks.
Williamson also describes how hyper-masculinized faces and physiques, though not necessarily attractive to women, send powerful signals to other men about one’s formidability and social status. Male strategies increasingly optimize for the male gaze, aiming to impress and outcompete peers—“it’s just signaling formidable, signaling status and formidable to other men. It’s the handbag of the face.” The conversation underscores an attractiveness-success disconnect, with competitive male behaviors often detached from what women find appealing.
Henderson and Williamson agree that “looks-maxing”—pursuing extreme body or facial modification—often results in marginal or even negative value for female attraction. Henderson warns that extreme enhancements can appear vain or narcissistic and are primarily about status signaling among males. The satisfaction often derives from “mogging” or outdoing other men, rather than from increasing appeal to women or sexual fulfillment, with some men finding more pleasure in reputation and the theoretical possibility of success than in direct rewards.
...
Male Competition, Formidability, and the Beautification Arms Race
The discourse around dating apps often centers on the narrative that a small group of highly attractive men—the so-called "Chads"—dominate the romantic and sexual attention of women. However, close analysis of sexual behavior statistics and the unique dynamics of dating app interfaces present a much more nuanced reality. Furthermore, these discussions routinely overlook a vast, "invisible" segment of the population, especially women who do not participate in the online dating marketplace.
Rob Henderson highlights that, according to data since 2000, about 18–20% of men report having three or more sexual partners within the past year, while the number for women is approximately 12–18%. These proportions have remained stable over the decades, demonstrating that only a small minority of both men and women fit the profile of "promiscuous" individuals. The most common response to how many sexual partners respondents have had in the past 12 months remains one—followed by zero.
This indicates that most sexual activity occurs within relationships, and many people do not have sex at all in a given year. The notion that a handful of "Chads" are monopolizing female attention is overstated; instead, the highly promiscuous (a small fraction, about 10% of both men and women, according to Henderson and Stewart-Williams) tend to engage with each other.
The group of very promiscuous women are highly sought after by both attractive and less attractive men. However, less attractive men may misperceive this dynamic, believing (incorrectly) that all women participate in this high-activity mating market, when in fact it is a small, mutually engaged subset.
Monogamous marriage historically functioned as a type of "sexual redistribution." Pairing up one man with one woman (often in response to both social and market forces) can be seen as a form of relationship regulation, which contrasts with the more deregulated, market-driven system seen today.
The mechanics and metrics of dating apps exaggerate the already rare dynamics of sexual selectivity. On Tinder, for instance, just 4% of men receive the bulk of female swipes. On Hinge, the top 10% of male users get 60% of likes. However, what is being measured is novelty and immediate attraction rather than real-world relationship formation.
Studies show that facial attractiveness greatly outscores other traits in swipe decisions—by a factor of twelve compared to height—because users scroll through dozens of faces in rapid succession, privileging immediate visual impact.
Media stories of humiliating rejections, egregious ghosting, and outlier hookup incidents go viral on social media because of their shock value, not their frequency. This skews public perception: viral stories imply these are common outcomes, when in reality, positive and stable relationship stories receive far less attention and engagement.
Consequently, dating app preferences often diverge from individuals’ real-life partner choices and long-term mating outcomes. The "Chad Monopoly" on these platforms does not equate to broader sexual dominance outside the context of online dating.
...
Dating Apps, Technology, and the Myth of Chad
Modern dating is shaped by a complex interplay of evolved psychology, cultural norms, and shifting social contexts. Recent research and commentary illuminate persistent sex differences in mate preferences, the impact of authenticity on attraction, and how cultural and economic factors shape ideals of beauty and desirability.
A key concept discussed is the “ick” phenomenon—an abrupt loss of attraction that women disproportionately report in dating contexts. Macken Murphy and Steve Stewart-Williams argue that this response reflects deeper evolutionary constraints. For men, missing a mating opportunity historically posed the greatest risk, whereas for women, choosing the wrong mate could incur heavy biological costs—pregnancy, rearing a child alone, or selecting a partner with poor genes or low investment. This difference drives heightened choosiness among women and underpins the “ick.”
Chris Williamson explains that the “ick” is often peri-subconscious, manifesting as an intuitive, visceral reaction to subtle social cues, such as a man’s clumsiness or failed attempt at humor. Diana Fleischmann provides examples: even minor social missteps like missing a turn while driving or telling a bad joke can cause momentary loss of attraction. Such gut-level responses act as evolved disgust reactions—a kind of behavioral immune system that helps women detect and reject unreliable mates, limiting risk.
Louisa Lee, Stewart-Williams’s PhD student, is studying the evolutionary psychology behind the “ick,” finding support for its link to evolved disgust and mate choice mechanisms. Research indicates that women’s disgust responses function to screen for unfitness signals, promoting preferences for reliable, competent, and socially adept partners.
Modern dating is also characterized by increasing use of appearance enhancements—from makeup and cosmetic surgery to digital editing and “looksmaxing.” While these interventions can boost perceived attractiveness, research reveals that the benefit recedes if their artificial origin is known.
Macken Murphy describes a study in China where women’s attractiveness increased after makeup or surgery, but men’s interest in dating them dropped when informed of the enhancements. The initial attractiveness boost remained, but dateability was attenuated. Rob Henderson and Steve Stewart-Williams suggest that learning about enhancements shifts personality inferences—finding someone vain, insecure, or self-interested, which can be off-putting for long-term partnership.
This preference for authenticity explains secrecy norms in looks-maxing and self-improvement communities. A rule of looksmax.org is “don’t talk about looksmaxing”—staying silent about enhancements preserves the social and mating value of improved appearance. Chris Williamson points out that people are hyper-vigilant about “cheating the system,” scrutinizing whether signals of health, youth, or sexual value are genuine or artificially constructed. Once detected, the value of those signals fades, reinforcing why natural beauty is typically preferred over artificial beauty.
Debate continues regarding the causes of sex differences in mate preferences, especially for attractiveness and resources. Cross-cultural studies show a consistent pattern: men prioritize youth and beauty, while women emphasize resources and slightly older partners. However, cultural, ecological, and economic factors cause this pattern to shift in nuanced ways.
Gender inequality and economic environment influence the magnitude of these preferences. For example, research finds that preferences for age and resources diminish as gender equ ...
Evolutionary Psychology and Modern Dating Dynamics
Studies show that women’s sexual interest within relationships drops sharply—by about half in the first year and continues to decline thereafter. Men, on the other hand, self-report consistently wanting approximately double the amount of sex as their partners throughout the relationship, with little to no similar decline. This ongoing disparity means couples generally converge on a sexual frequency that matches the woman’s preference, compelling men to compromise more on desired frequency.
This pattern supports the idea that women may initially deploy high sexual availability as a mate-retention strategy to secure commitment from men, using sex as an attractant and bargaining chip. Once the commitment is established and costs around sex change—due to factors like age or reduced fertility—women’s sexual interest wanes, and sex becomes less salient as a bargaining tool. This rapid, precipitous decline, occurring within mere years rather than tracking fertility, challenges simple fertility-centered biological explanations and instead highlights active relationship negotiation and management dynamics that go beyond mere reproductive biology.
Rob Henderson argues that for many women, receiving large amounts of sexual attention—such as online praise or interest on platforms like OnlyFans—produces enjoyment and satisfaction on par with what men experience from sex itself. For women, this intense attention can be a powerful motivator and can even drive riskier behaviors in pursuit of that validation.
Some of the most striking manifestations of this dynamic occur with adolescent sexual attention. Henderson discusses cases in which attractive female teachers become involved with teenage students, emphasizing that the unique, intense reaction from adolescent males can serve as an extraordinarily potent source of validation and power for these women. He explains that the stimulus is exceptionally rare: for the male student, the adult woman is a “first” and yields an extreme display of attention and desire, while for the teacher, this dynamic is uniquely stimulating and cannot be replicated elsewhere.
Henderson likens this to the concept of supernormal stimuli, referencing pornography for men and OnlyFans for women. Porn offers men near-infinite novelty and sexual excitement, while women operating online can access vast quantities of sexual attention from men. Both technologies harness exaggerated, unnatural incentives—stimulating sexual or attention-seeking behaviors to a degree unachie ...
Sexual Desire, Attraction Signals, and Relationship Dynamics
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