In this episode of American History Tellers, the Greely Arctic Expedition faces mounting crises during its second year of isolation. Leadership conflicts threaten the crew's survival as Dr. Octave Pavie and Lieutenant Frederick Kislingberry openly challenge Commander Greely's authority, while disputes over scientific work and discipline remain unresolved. Despite internal tensions, Lieutenant James Lockwood and his team achieve significant geographical discoveries, proving Ellesmere Island is truly an island and setting westward travel records.
Meanwhile, relief efforts from the United States falter disastrously. After a delayed 1882 supply mission fails to arrive, a second expedition led by Lieutenant Ernest Garlington meets catastrophe when the Proteus sinks in Arctic ice, stranding the would-be rescuers. Facing deteriorating conditions and thickening ice, Greely makes the decision to abandon Fort Conger and retreat south, gambling the expedition's survival on uncertain ice conditions and the hope that supplies await them at Littleton Island.

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After more than a year of Arctic isolation, tensions among Greeley's expedition crew reached a breaking point, with leadership disputes threatening the cohesion necessary for survival.
Dr. Octave Pavie, the lead scientist and only medical doctor, grew openly critical of Greeley's command during the second winter. Pavie voiced his grievances publicly, asserting that his Arctic experience entitled him to lead the expedition instead. Meanwhile, Lieutenant Frederick Kislingberry, who had resigned as Greeley's second-in-command after a previous dispute, remained on the expedition with no formal authority. He and Pavie became close allies, spending hours criticizing Greeley's decisions and predicting the mission's doom while recruiting enlisted men to their cause.
The conflict deepened when Greeley discovered Pavie had failed to catalog the expedition's scientific specimens, leaving them disorganized without records of origins or dates. When confronted, Pavie refused to renew his contract or surrender his notes and diary, prompting Greeley to threaten court-martial. However, Greeley couldn't confine the mission's only doctor, leaving the conflict unresolved. Despite mounting pressure, Greeley maintained strict discipline, understanding that order was essential for surviving another polar night.
Despite the tensions, Lieutenant James Lockwood, Sergeant David Brainard, and Greenlandic sleddriver Thorlope Christiansen achieved remarkable scientific breakthroughs. In late March 1883, they set out to break their previous northern latitude record but encountered treacherous thin ice after reaching the Blackhorn cliffs, forcing them to abandon that goal.
Undeterred, Lockwood redirected the mission westward to answer a key geographical question: Was Ellesmere Island truly an island? By mid-May, after weeks of travel across challenging terrain, Brainard confirmed they had reached saltwater, proving Ellesmere Island was indeed surrounded by water. Their westward trek also set a record, covering one-eighth of Earth's circumference at that parallel.
Throughout their journey, the expedition maintained rigorous scientific documentation at Fort Conger, recording daily temperature, atmospheric pressure, and other data. When space became limited for the return journey, they prioritized bringing back their comprehensive logs over most physical specimens, ensuring their scientific contributions would endure.
In 1882, the relief ship intended to resupply Greeley's expedition never arrived, blocked by thick sea ice. Greeley's wife, Henrietta, blamed Secretary of War Robert Todd Lincoln for the delayed departure that allowed ice to solidify. Fearful for the men's safety, she enlisted help from other expedition families, particularly Lieutenant Lockwood's parents, to pressure Lincoln into action.
In March 1883, this advocacy prompted Lincoln to authorize a second relief effort led by West Point graduate Lieutenant Ernest Garlington. Unlike the previous attempt, this mission aimed to bring Greeley and his men home entirely. The Proteus and support vessel Yantic departed St. John's, Newfoundland, on June 29, 1883, but a storm scattered them almost immediately. When the Yantic was delayed by nearly a week for repairs, Garlington made the difficult decision to proceed north without it on July 16, as every day of delay imperiled Greeley's stranded men.
After departing, the Proteus encountered thick sea ice that slowed progress for five days. On July 21, Garlington spotted what appeared to be an open lane and insisted on departing Cape Sabine immediately, despite Captain Richard Pike's warnings about hull damage and entrapment. The opening proved to be only a tidal shift, and soon massive ice floes surrounded the ship with crashing sounds called the Devil's Symphony.
Pike, sailing with an inexperienced crew on his first Arctic voyage, attempted to maneuver through the ice overnight. By early afternoon on July 23, 1883, still two hundred miles from Fort Conger, ice pierced the hull. Pike ordered everyone to abandon ship, and in the chaos, the crew managed to save only two whaleboats, three lifeboats, and forty days' rations before the Proteus sank.
Stranded on ice floes with limited supplies, Garlington and Pike realized the relief mission had failed. They rowed to Cape Sabine and left a cache of supplies and a note for Greeley explaining their failure before heading south toward Littleton Island, hoping to meet the Yantic—if it had followed the plan. Without timber and coal for shelter, the Proteus crew's survival became as uncertain as the fate of those they had set out to rescue.
Greeley determined that waiting until the planned September 1 evacuation date would be too risky due to thickening sea ice, so he advanced the departure to August 9, 1883. Kislingberry and Pavie opposed the retreat, arguing it was safer to remain at Fort Conger with existing food and shelter than risk the uncertain conditions at Littleton Island.
Preparation required strict limits: each man could bring only eight pounds of personal belongings. Lockwood organized their scientific specimens, but most had to be abandoned, with priority given to waterproof crates of scientific records. Two days before departure, dense ice filled the bay, making travel impossible. Then, in a dramatic shift, southern winds cleared the bay just in time for their scheduled departure on August 9.
As Brainard took final weather readings and sealed the longhouse door, the team—dressed in their military uniforms as a gesture of discipline and hope—loaded four small boats and set out into the Arctic sea. Their survival depended on unknown ice conditions, whether relief ships and supply caches awaited them at Littleton Island, and their own endurance in the perilous journey south.
1-Page Summary
After more than a year of isolation, tensions among the expedition’s leadership and crew rise, challenging Greeley’s authority as commander and threatening the cohesion necessary for survival.
As the second Arctic winter drags on, diversions like lectures and games grow less effective, and Dr. Octave Pavie, the lead scientist and only medical doctor, grows openly critical of Greeley’s command. Initially muttering his dissent in private, Pavie eventually voices his grievances about missing life-saving medications directly in the common area, interrupting Greeley as he writes a letter. Pavie insists his unique Arctic experience entitles him to challenge Greeley’s decisions, asserting that he should be leading the expedition. Over the past year, Pavie has made his ambitions clear, repeatedly questioning Greeley’s fitness to lead and the wisdom of his decisions.
Lieutenant Frederick Kislingberry, who resigned as Greeley’s second-in-command after a dispute the previous summer, becomes another source of discord. Having missed a chance to return home, Kislingberry remains on the expedition with no formal authority, relegated to the role of an unwanted guest. He feels Greeley resents him and, in turn, considers himself little more than a burden. Isolated by the command structure, Kislingberry barely speaks to Greeley but soon finds common cause with Pavie.
Kislingberry and Pavie become close allies, spending hours together criticizing Greeley and predicting the expedition’s doom. Kislingberry believes staying at Fort Conger would be safer and that Greeley’s plan is doomed to failure. Pavie echoes these concerns, warning that if rescue fails again, their lack of sailing experience will be fatal on any retreat south. Despite Greeley’s reluctant admission that this is a flaw, he resents Pavie’s constant reminders. The two outcasts deepen the divide by recruiting the enlisted men into their circle of complaint, turning the expedition’s social fabric ever more fractious.
Greeley discovers that Pavie has neglected his scientific duties, failing to catalog and organize the collection of plant and animal specimens. The scientific archives are in disarray, with mixed artifacts and no record of origins or dates.
Upon confronting Pavie, Greeley reprimands him for his negligence. In a heated exchange, Pavie announces he will not renew his contract when it expires, and refuses Greeley’s order to surrender his notes and diary.
Greeley threatens to place Pavie under arrest and promises to court ...
Leadership Conflicts and Crew Dynamics
In late March 1883, Lieutenant James Lockwood, Sergeant David Brainard, and Greenlandic Inuit sleddriver Thorlope Christiansen set out from Fort Conger, determined to push farther north than any previous expedition. The same trio had broken the record for farthest north the year prior. The expedition advanced quickly, reaching the base of the Blackhorn cliffs—one hundred miles north of Fort Conger—in just six days, a journey that had previously taken twenty-two. However, after the cliffs, the nature of the sea ice changed dramatically. It became dangerously thin, and at one point, the dogs pulling the sled broke through and nearly drowned. Recognizing the peril, Lockwood and Brainard climbed a large glacier west of the cliffs to survey the landscape. From that vantage point, they observed open water stretching all around, confirming that continuing north with sleds was impossible, and their attempt to achieve a new northern latitude record was thwarted.
Undeterred by this setback, Lockwood decided to redirect the mission’s aim. Rather than pushing north, he proposed exploring westward to answer a significant geographical question: Was Ellesmere Island truly an island or a peninsula?
In late April 1883, Lockwood, Brainard, and Christiansen set out again—this time heading west. For several weeks, they traveled about forty miles per day across challenging fields of arctic mountains, glaciers, valleys, and lakes. By mid-May, the team came upon a vast body of water previously observed from a mountain. Lockwood sketched their surroundings while Christiansen managed the dogs, and Brainard took particular interest in the body of water. Tasting it, Brainard confirmed it was saltwater—they had reached the Arctic Ocean. This vital observation proved Ellesmere Island was, indeed, entirely surrounded by water.
Their journey also broke new ground in another sense: the party had traveled further west on Ellesmere Island than anyone before them. Calculations would later reveal their westward trek by foot and sled amounted to one-eighth of Earth’s circumference at that parallel, marking a substantial geographic ...
Arctic Exploration and Scientific Achievement
In 1882, the relief ship intended to resupply and maintain contact with Adolphus Greeley and his expedition at Fort Conger never arrived. Unbeknownst to Greeley and his men, the vessel had been forced to turn back after encountering thick, impassable sea ice, stranding the expedition without fresh supplies or word from home for another winter in the Arctic. Greeley’s wife, Henrietta Greeley, became deeply alarmed, laying the blame for the failed mission squarely on Secretary of War Robert Todd Lincoln. According to Henrietta, Lincoln’s reluctance and slow authorization had stalled the relief mission’s departure, giving the ice floes time to solidify and block the northern route. She feared that another delayed mission might lead to disaster for her husband and his men.
Fearful for her husband’s safety, Henrietta Greeley began enlisting help from the families of other expedition members, most notably Lieutenant James Lockwood’s parents. Henrietta wrote to both of Lockwood’s parents, sympathizing with their lack of communication from their son, and asking for their assistance in applying pressure on Secretary Lincoln to act. She specifically requested that Henry Lockwood press their case directly with Lincoln—ideally in a way that would not seem like interference, perhaps by offering support with planning or logistics. Initially hesitant due to concerns about professional boundaries, Henry Lockwood ultimately agreed to offer what help he could.
As the families watched the calendar and worried for their loved ones, the pressure they brought to bear did not go unnoticed. In March 1883, in part due to this concerted advocacy, Secretary of War Robert Todd Lincoln authorized a second relief effort. Unlike the previous year, which had been entrusted to an inexperienced Army clerk, the new mission would be led by West Point graduate Lieutenant Ernest Garlington. Garlington’s orders were not to merely resupply the expedition, but to bring Greeley and his men home, as Secretary Lincoln showed no further interest in maintaining an American presence in the Arctic.
Lieutenant Ernest Garlington, though a decorated Army veteran, lacked experience in ocean navigation but was selected to command the operation. He would lead the team aboard the Proteus, the same ship that had brought Greeley to Ellesmere Island, with the U.S. Navy’s Yantic serving as a support vessel stocked with extra supplies. Their plan was to depart St. John’s, Newfoundland, as soon as sea ice allo ...
Failed Relief Missions and Government Response
After departing Godhound on July 16, the Proteus quickly found its way blocked by thick Arctic sea ice, echoing the mistakes of the Neptune the previous year. For five days, progress was painfully slow as Captain Richard Pike constantly maneuvered the vessel through narrow, shifting lanes between ice floes. Lieutenant Garlington, focused on reaching Fort Conger quickly, remained determined to press on. On July 21, they arrived at Cape Sabine, checked previous supply caches, and discovered an additional one from a British expedition a decade earlier. From a high vantage point, Garlington spotted what he believed to be an open lane through the ice and insisted on departing immediately. Pike warned about the risk of moving too soon—believing the hull could be cracked or the ship trapped—yet Garlington’s orders prevailed.
At 8 p.m. on July 22, Pike reluctantly ordered the push north into Smith Sound at full steam, dodging icebergs amidst turbulent currents. The supposed opening proved to be only a tidal shift. Soon, the Proteus was enveloped by massive, shifting ice floes that crashed together with eerie shrieks and groans—the Devil's Symphony—a perilous concert at the heart of Arctic navigation.
Due to the late start of the mission, Pike was forced to sail with an inexperienced crew, lacking seasoned Arctic sailors. His own son, only 21 and on his first polar voyage, served as first mate and took turns in the crow’s nest scouting for leads through the ice.
As the Proteus pressed on, Pike used the ship’s iron bow to carefully force a way through dense ice late into the night. The ship was within only 400 yards of an open sea lane by the early morning of July 23. However, the encroaching floes began to overwhelm their path. Pike attempted to reverse course and retreat to the south, but it was too late—the ice had closed in completely, trapping the ship.
By early afternoon, July 23, 1883, still two hundred miles from Fort Conger, immense ice floes surrounded the Proteus. With a thunderous jolt, ice pierced the hull on the starboard side, sending water flooding into the hold. The wooden planking was no match for the grinding ice. Captain Pike ordered everyone to abandon ship without delay.
Panic overtook the inexperienced crew, who frantically hurled boxes of food, crates, clothing, and even sled dogs onto the ice. Supplies smashed upon impact or slid immediately into open water as the men raced against time. Out of everything aboard, they managed to save two whaleboats and three lifeboats, but much of the food, equipment, timber, and coal was irretrievably lost, along with the means to construct a winter shelter or survive for long. Some dogs survived but scattered into the icy expanse. Only 37 men made it off the vessel and gathered onto the ice floes in a chaotic, desperate scene.
A ...
Arctic Navigation and Environmental Hazards
After nearly two years in the Arctic, Lieutenant Greeley determined that the original plan to wait until September 1 to evacuate Fort Conger was too risky. He believed that by then, the sea ice would become too thick for their small boats to navigate safely. Anticipating that delay would doom their chances, Greeley advanced the evacuation date to August 9, 1883, hoping to reach Littleton Island before worsening ice conditions made travel impossible.
Not everyone agreed with Greeley’s decision to retreat. Kislingberry voiced that it was safer to remain at Fort Conger, reasoning they still had food and shelter and could survive another winter.
Dr. Octave Pavie supported Kislingberry’s stance, arguing the risk associated with supplies at Littleton Island made retreat foolhardy compared to the relative security of Fort Conger for another winter.
Facing the challenge of leaving, the men had to bring only the essentials needed for survival and to document their scientific achievements. Greeley strictly limited each member to eight pounds of personal belongings, making the load manageable for hauling boats over ice and minimizing weight. Lieutenant James Lockwood, the lead scientist, painstakingly organized their plant, animal, and fossil specimens, but ultimately most of these had to be abandoned due to lack of space. Priority was given to carefully packing scientific records into waterproof crates. The team patched up winter clothes and ensured their three small boats and the coal-powered steam launch were in good working condition. All the while, they harbored hope that the relief ship might still arrive before their departure.
Two days before the planned retreat, Sergeant David Brainard reported that the bay was filled with dense, impassable ice, effectively trapping the team. The situation did not improve the following day, making both boating and walking across the weak August ice equally dangerous. Then, in a dramatic turn, strong southern winds blew for twenty-four hours, clearing the bay enough by the morning of Aug ...
The Retreat Decision and Survival Strategy
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