In this episode of the All-In podcast, California gubernatorial candidate Steve Hilton presents his case for how a Republican can win statewide office and implement significant reforms. Hilton outlines a comprehensive fiscal reform plan centered on eliminating state income tax for households earning under $100,000 and reducing government waste, which he claims totals $80 billion annually. He addresses California's regulatory barriers that drive up housing and energy costs, pointing to union-controlled environmental legislation and excessive building mandates as primary culprits.
The conversation also covers California's challenges in education, criminal justice, and homelessness, with Hilton arguing that substantial spending has failed to produce results. He discusses his electoral strategy of building a multiracial, working-class coalition focused on cost-of-living issues, citing historical precedent and recent voting patterns as evidence that a Republican victory is feasible. The episode provides a detailed look at Hilton's platform and his critique of California's current governance.

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California faces a tax and affordability crisis, with rapidly rising living costs and widespread fraud in state spending. A new fiscal reform plan aims to restructure taxes to benefit working-class residents while streamlining government spending.
The plan proposes eliminating state income tax for California residents in households earning less than $100,000, benefiting about 7 million households. This is particularly impactful for workers earning between $70,000 and $100,000, who currently pay rates as high as 9.3%. For those earning over $100,000, the plan introduces a flat 7.5% state income tax, simplifying California's complex tax code while maintaining revenue. The reform focuses on immediate relief for working-class Californians struggling with soaring costs for gas, electricity, housing, and insurance.
Implementing this tax plan requires an 18.5% reduction in state revenue, or approximately $60 billion, bringing spending back to pre-pandemic levels. Steve Hilton's Cal Doge initiative has identified $425 billion in fraud, waste, and misallocation over the past five years—averaging $80 billion annually. Notable examples include a climate fund that diverted $928 million to voter activism instead of solar panels, cannabis taxes that redirected $350 million to political nonprofits rather than substance abuse treatment, and Project Homekey's $3.8 billion that enriched developers rather than helping the homeless.
There's emerging bipartisan support for elements of this plan, with Democratic gubernatorial candidate Katie Porter publicly endorsing the elimination of state income tax on the first $100,000 of income. If a Republican governor is elected for the first time in over 20 years, it could disrupt Sacramento's one-party dominance and make bipartisan reform possible. Hilton emphasizes his coalition government experience as evidence of his ability to work across party lines and drive consensus in California's divided political environment.
California's growth challenges stem from regulatory barriers that drive sky-high living costs and undermine energy and housing development.
The California Environmental Quality Act has become a major barrier to housing construction. Hilton describes how approximately 70% of CEQA lawsuits are used to block housing, with most initiated by unions seeking leverage for project labor agreements. These union agreements require above-market wages—often two to three times higher—and sometimes necessitate flying in union workers from other states, significantly inflating costs. Attempts to reform these barriers, such as Hilton's ballot initiative to cap impact fees at 3% of construction costs, faced insurmountable union opposition, with lawmakers acknowledging privately that such changes would be "transformational" but refusing public support because "the unions run this place."
Building costs in California are two to three times higher than in neighboring states, driven by mandates for EV charging, solar panels, and layered energy efficiency codes. Jason Calacanis explains that impact fees often reach $30,000 per housing unit compared to under $1,000 in Texas. Texas produces three times as many new housing units per capita as California, yet Chamath Palihapitiya points out there's little evidence that California's extensive regulations yield better environmental quality than Texas. The result is that a third of Californians struggle to afford basic needs, with record levels of poverty and unemployment.
Despite having abundant domestic oil reserves, California now imports roughly 80% of its oil, primarily from Iraq, following aggressive regulatory clampdowns beginning in 2006. The number of in-state oil refineries has plummeted from around 40 to just seven. This shift requires oil to be transported by polluting ocean tankers, dramatically increasing carbon emissions—contradicting the state's own climate goals. The regulatory regime has contributed to California's notoriously high gas prices of $7–$8 per gallon, with the $2 premium driven primarily by regulations, not taxes. Despite these costs and restrictions, California's air quality and fossil fuel usage remain largely unchanged from the rest of the country.
California faces persistent challenges across education, criminal justice, and homelessness, despite substantial public spending.
California spends over $27,000 per student annually yet only 47% of students meet basic standards in English and just 35% achieve proficiency in math. Teacher unions act chiefly as political organizations, prioritizing ideological campaigns over student outcomes—for instance, setting pandemic reopening conditions based on political demands like wealth taxes and Medicare for All rather than student needs. Hilton points to Mississippi as a successful model, which spends only one-third as much per student but has seen dramatically better outcomes through phonics-based reading instruction, mandatory grade retention for students not reading proficiently by third grade, and publicly grading schools and teachers based on test scores.
California has reduced state prison capacity from 165,000 inmates in 2006 to around 93,000, with Governor Newsom closing four to five prisons. This has transferred many dangerous offenders to already-overcrowded county jails, creating a "catch and release" dynamic that undermines public safety. California's recidivism rate remains among the worst nationally, nearly double compared to top-performing states like Virginia, largely due to lack of robust rehabilitation programming. The U.S. Supreme Court's 2024 Grants Pass v. Oregon decision has now removed legal obstacles to clearing homeless encampments, restoring the state's ability to enforce public order.
Over 80% of California's homeless struggle with drug or alcohol addiction or severe mental illness, yet the state's primary solution has been building expensive units costing up to $900,000 each. Hilton argues that effective response requires mandatory treatment for addiction and mental health, with sobriety enforced as a condition for receiving state services. The federal Medicaid IMD rule bars reimbursement for mental health facilities with over 16 beds, making large-scale treatment facilities unfeasible—though other states have sought waivers that California has not pursued. A more effective strategy would redirect funding to modern, large-scale mental health facilities with mandatory sobriety requirements.
Steve Hilton and Jason Calacanis discuss the prospects for a Republican victory in California's 2026 gubernatorial race.
Hilton argues that a Republican victory is realistic, citing historical precedent: Republicans governed for 16 of the last 36 years. He notes that over 6.1 million Californians voted for Donald Trump in 2024, surpassing the estimated 5.9 million votes needed to win a statewide midterm election. California's top-two primary system will likely result in a November contest between one Republican and one Democrat, setting up a clear change-versus-status-quo dynamic. Recent polling indicates most Californians feel the state is on the wrong track, with dissatisfaction rising from the mid/high 40s to the mid/high 50s.
Hilton emphasizes building a coalition mirroring Trump's multiracial, working-class support, focusing on practical cost-of-living solutions: no state income tax on the first $100,000 of earnings, lower utility bills, $3 per gallon gasoline, and affordable homeownership. Success hinges on appealing to the economic pressures faced by the working class, especially in diverse, multicultural communities, with messaging laser-focused on delivering tangible solutions.
Hilton spotlights California's unsustainable path: ranked last in business climate, plagued by budget deficits despite high spending, and suffering population loss. He contrasts his "Cal-affordable" platform with Democratic rivals' continued reliance on regulation and high taxes, grounding these proposals in conservative, Thatcherite principles of work, enterprise, and responsibility merged with the family values and opportunity cherished by California's immigrant communities. This strategy is designed to maximize Republican turnout and capture growing dissatisfaction across the state.
1-Page Summary
California faces a tax and affordability crisis, with rapidly rising living costs, overwhelming bureaucracy, and widespread fraud in state spending. A new fiscal reform plan aims to restructure taxes to benefit working-class residents, streamline government spending, and secure bipartisan support for sweeping change.
The plan proposes eliminating state income tax for California residents in households earning less than $100,000. This measure would benefit about 7 million households—just over a third of the state’s 40 million residents. In many California counties, $100,000 is officially considered low income due to the state's high cost of living, making this policy particularly impactful for workers earning between $70,000 and $100,000, who currently pay rates as high as 9.3%, exceeding the top rates in most other states.
For those earning over $100,000, the plan introduces a flat 7.5% state income tax. This move aims to simplify California’s complex tax code, reduce bureaucracy, and establish a pro-investment, pro-growth framework that is competitive with other states. The flat tax would apply only to income above the $100,000 threshold, while lower earners pay zero state income tax. This approach is expected to support business investment and help stem the outflow of residents and businesses from the state.
The central focus of the tax reform is immediate and tangible relief for working-class Californians who are struggling with soaring gas, electricity, housing, and insurance prices. The proposal recognizes that many working poor households, who do not benefit substantially from welfare programs, are squeezed by high living costs and taxes. Eliminating state income tax up to $100,000 targets quick affordability improvements for those on the economic margins.
Implementing this tax plan requires an 18.5% reduction in state revenue, equating to approximately $60 billion. This would bring overall spending back down to pre-pandemic levels—California’s state budget has nearly doubled in the past ten years and increased 75% in the last five, with little measurable improvement in public services. The proposal argues that reducing spending to 2019 or 2020 figures would not harm core programs but would reestablish financial sustainability.
An essential part of the plan is attacking waste, fraud, and abuse throughout the state’s finances. Steve Hilton’s Cal Doge (California Department of Government Efficiency) initiative has analyzed public spending data and published four separate fraud reports. Their findings estimate $425 billion in fraud, waste, and misallocation over the past five years—an average of $80 billion annually, or about 20% of the state budget.
Several case studies illustrate the scope of waste:
California's Tax and Fiscal Reform Plan
California faces significant growth challenges rooted in regulatory barriers, driving sky-high living costs and undermining energy and housing development. The interplay of the California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA), union influence, stringent codes, and climate policy has resulted in stifled housing production, soaring costs, and energy contradictions that negatively impact affordability and economic opportunity.
CEQA, the California Environmental Quality Act, was designed as a protective measure for the environment but has become a major barrier to housing construction. Steve Hilton describes CEQA compliance as a "nightmare," emphasizing the impact of its private right of action provision, which allows any party to file lawsuits. Approximately 70% of CEQA lawsuits are used to block housing, and most of these are initiated by unions. These lawsuits serve as leverage in negotiating project labor agreements mandating the use of a "skilled and trained workforce," effectively limiting projects to union-only labor.
Union agreements require above-market wages—often two to three times higher—and create situations where there aren't enough qualified workers available locally. Developers sometimes have to fly in union workers from other states, significantly inflating costs with additional expenses for travel and accommodation. State bills such as AB130 and AB131, which Governor Newsom promoted as steps to solve the housing crisis, include fine print that only grants CEQA exemptions to projects adhering to these union agreements. Thus, the cost-inflating mechanisms that stem from CEQA persist even in supposed reform efforts.
Attempts to address these barriers, such as Hilton’s ballot initiative to cap impact fees at 3% of construction costs (impact fees currently comprise up to 20% of housing costs), and to eliminate CEQA’s private action rights, faced insurmountable union opposition. Even bipartisan legislative support was stymied due to union influence, with lawmakers acknowledging privately that such changes would be "transformational" but refusing to support them publicly because, as one legislator said, "the unions run this place."
California’s housing shortage is driven not just by CEQA, but by an overall environment of high building costs and regulatory requirements. For every new job created and new resident welcomed, California builds too few homes, creating a classic supply and demand squeeze that pushes rents and home prices to the nation’s highest levels.
Building costs in California are two to three times higher than in neighboring states. This is largely driven by mandates for EV charging, solar panels, insulation, and layered energy efficiency codes that, while well-intentioned, have been taken to extremes and offer little actual climate benefit relative to their cost.
Impact fees further inflate the expense. As Jason Calacanis explains, fees often reach $30,000 per housing unit (or "per door"), as opposed to under $1,000 in Texas—a state with neither CEQA nor comparable regulatory hurdles. Texas produces three times as many new housing units per capita as California, despite having fewer environmental regulations and a drastically lower fee structure. Yet, as Chamath Palihapitiya points out, there is little evidence that California’s extensive regulations yield better air, water, or land quality than Texas.
Consequently, a third of Californians struggle to afford basic needs, with the state reporting record levels of poverty and unemployment—even as it remains the world’s fourth-largest economy. The combination of limited housing supply, extreme building costs, and questionable regulatory benefits has left millions unable to keep up with the cost of living.
California’s approach to energy and climate policy has produced paradoxical and counterproductive outcomes. Despite having abundant domestic oil reserves, the state now imports roughly 80% of its oil, primarily from Iraq, following the sta ...
Regulatory Barriers to Growth
California faces persistent challenges across education, criminal justice, and homelessness, despite substantial public spending. Problems in union control, systemic accountability, and inadequate treatment strategies fuel cycles of dysfunction.
California currently spends over $27,000 per student annually—nearly the highest in the nation—yet student outcomes remain alarmingly poor. Only 47% of students meet basic standards in English, and just 35% achieve proficiency in math. Two-thirds of students do not meet minimal math standards. Despite high expenditures, educational performance lags, raising concerns about how funds are used.
A principal cause is the entrenched control of teacher unions over the public school system. These unions act chiefly as political organizations, prioritizing ideological campaigns and benefits for members over student outcomes. For example, during the pandemic, California experienced the nation's longest and most damaging school closures, with teacher unions setting reopening conditions based on broad political demands—such as wealth taxes and Medicare for All—rather than student needs. This political influence is deepened by unions’ dominance as top donors to Democratic politicians, reinforcing the government school monopoly and driving education policy further from accountability or reform.
Structural reform is needed. Mississippi, for example, spends only one-third as much per student as California but has seen dramatically better outcomes in the past decade by focusing on core, evidence-based practices. Key measures include:
These changes, already successful elsewhere, could address California's academic decline if unions’ grip can be loosened and policy redirected toward student achievement.
California’s criminal justice system is plagued by policy decisions that have undermined accountability, overcrowded local facilities, and discouraged effective law enforcement. Recent years have seen a reduction in state prison capacity from a peak of 165,000 inmates in 2006 to around 93,000, accelerated by the closure of four to five prisons under Governor Newsom's administration. Instead of releasing inmates into supervised programs, the state has transferred many dangerous offenders to already-overcrowded county jails. This has created a "catch and release" dynamic—offenders are quickly released after arrest due to lack of jail space—resulting in law enforcement demotivation and eroding public trust and safety.
California's recidivism rate remains among the worst nationally, nearly double compared to top-performing states like Virginia. Core to the state's failure is the lack of robust rehabilitation programming, especially for inmates with literacy issues or untreated dyslexia. Many prisoners cannot read proficiently, and up to 70% have severe mental health issues. Rather than investing in practical rehabilitation, reform efforts have been driven by ideology—prioritizing decarceration or labeling prison itself as fundamentally racist—over the basic goals of safety and rehabilitation.
A reversal of prison closures, increasing capacity, would relieve jail overcrowding and restore the possibility of accountability-based prosecution. This is now more feasible as the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2024 Grants Pass v. Oregon decision overturned previous restrictions, removing legal obstacles to clearing homeless encampments and enhancing the state’s ability to enforce public order. Local politicians can no longer cite lack of shelter as an excuse; sufficient legal authority now exists to address street crime and pub ...
Social Policy Challenges
Steve Hilton and Jason Calacanis discuss the prospects and pathways for a Republican victory in California’s 2026 gubernatorial race. They analyze voter trends, statewide sentiment, policy priorities, and how to build a coalition that appeals to California’s increasingly multiracial working class, with a specific focus on cost-of-living concerns and principles rooted in both conservative and immigrant values.
Hilton and Calacanis argue that it’s not unrealistic for a Republican to win the governor’s seat in California. They cite historical precedent: Pete Wilson and Arnold Schwarzenegger, both Republicans, collectively governed for 16 of the last 36 years. Hilton supports this point with data from recent elections: in the 2024 presidential race, over 6.1 million Californians voted for Donald Trump, surpassing the estimated 5.9 million votes needed to win a statewide midterm election based on turnout averages from 2018 and 2022. This outpaces the votes cast in the last gubernatorial race—demonstrating that, in raw numbers, there is a large enough GOP-aligned electorate to win, even without Democratic crossover.
Importantly, California’s top-two primary system is likely to result in a November contest between one Republican and one Democrat, not two Democrats. Hilton predicts that his opponent will be one among Tom Steyer, Katie Porter, or Javier Becerra—all representing “more of the same” or a move further left. This sets up a clear change-versus-status-quo dynamic for voters.
Recent polling indicates most Californians feel the state is on the wrong track: the proportion of voters dissatisfied with California’s direction has risen from the mid/high 40s to the mid/high 50s over the last cycle. Despite the Democrats’ registration advantage, this environment of discontent enhances Republican chances, as voters demonstrate an appetite for change-minded candidates.
Hilton emphasizes the need for a coalition that mirrors Trump’s multiracial, working-class support, focusing on practical, daily cost-of-living solutions over traditional partisan ideology. Key policy promises include no state income tax on the first $100,000 of earnings, lower utility bills (with a “half your electric bills” pledge), $3 per gallon gasoline, and affordable homeownership for working families.
The November 2026 ballot will further feature a Voter ID measure, expected to drive turnout among Republicans, who are particularly enthusiastic about the issue in a typically low-participation midterm.
Success, Hilton argues, hinges on appealing to the specific economic pressures faced by the working class—especially those in diverse, multicultural communities. Messaging must be laser-focused on delivering tangible solutions rather than echoing partisan or purely ideological arguments.
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Path to Victory and Electoral Strategy
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