PDF Summary:Tribe, by Sebastian Junger

Modern society offers comfort and safety, but something essential is missing—the sense of belonging and shared purpose that defined human communities for thousands of years. In Tribe, Sebastian Junger explores why people often feel isolated and disconnected in contemporary life, despite living in the wealthiest societies in history.

Junger examines how tribal societies fostered unity through shared responsibility and mutual aid, and he explains why many people throughout history found tribal life more appealing than Western civilization. He discusses the psychological and physical costs of detribalization, from rising rates of depression to the challenges veterans face when returning from war. The guide also explores how crises can temporarily restore a sense of community and offers suggestions for rebuilding tribal cohesion in modern society.

(continued)...

For example, in societies of hunter-gatherers, mothers carry their infants 90% of the time, while in the U.S., mothers hold babies directly against their skin only 16% of the time. Additionally, 85% of children sleep alone in a separate room, which is thought to make them bond intensely with stuffed animals for reassurance. In other cultures, having nearby sleeping adults gives children a feeling of security. The aim of having kids sleep on their own is to encourage them to soothe themselves, but this goes against our evolution. It's rare for primates to abandon their babies unattended, since they would be at risk from predators. Babies appear to sense this on an instinctual level, making solitude in darkness a frightening experience.

The Dangers of Co-Sleeping

While it may be more “evolutionarily natural” for babies to sleep next to adults, this can be dangerous in modern bedrooms. According to the American Academy of Pediatrics, sharing a sleep surface with an adult increases the risk of suffocation and sudden unexpected infant death. This risk is especially high for infants under four months old, premature babies, and those exposed to tobacco smoke. The risk of suffocation is even greater if the baby sleeps on a soft surface like a couch or armchair, or if the adult is extremely tired or has used alcohol or drugs. Even if the baby is placed on their back, the risk remains high if they are on an adult bed or other soft surface.

Junger further argues that detribalization can lead to a mindset of victimization. Contemporary society isolates people, which can foster this mindset. Aid organizations can encourage this by telling people how they should feel and offering them resources if they feel that particular way.

(Shortform note: Some disagree with Junger’s claim that aid organizations encourage a mindset of victimization. In Trauma and Recovery, psychiatrist Judith Lewis Herman argues that recognizing people as victims is often a necessary step toward restoring their autonomy and power.)

Next, we’ll explore how detribalization leads to alienation, aggression, and distress.

Manifestations of Detribalization

Junger claims that today's societal disunity can lead to alienation and violence. For example, the initial series of rampage shootings in the US happened during the Great Depression, a time of severe social stress and fracture. These killings dropped significantly during the Second World War, then increased in the 1980s and have been climbing ever since. They usually happen in prosperous or middle-to-upper-class neighborhoods, while the remainder are more likely to occur in rural areas with a mostly white, Christian population and low crime rates. Mass shootings have resulted in the deaths of close to 600 individuals over the last four decades.

(Shortform note: Since Junger wrote Tribe, the nature of rampage shootings in the US has changed. In The Violence Project, Jillian Peterson and James Densley argue that access to high-capacity semi-automatic firearms has become a central driver of modern mass public shootings in the United States. They note that the most lethal attacks in recent decades overwhelmingly feature AR-15–style rifles and large-capacity magazines. When these weapons are used, far more people are shot in far less time. A small subset of incidents accounts for a disproportionate share of the casualties precisely because the shooters are able to fire so many rounds so quickly without reloading.)

In contrast, gang violence is fueled by deep feelings of loyalty to one's group and vengeance. The most recent time Americans felt united was shortly following the 9/11 attacks, a period that saw a two-year lull in mass shootings. In NYC, there was an immediate decline in rates of violent crime, suicide, and psychiatric disturbances. It's established that antisocial behavior typically decreases in wartime across various nations.

(Shortform note: In Mass Murder in the United States: A History, Grant Duwe provides a comprehensive overview of mass shootings in the US, including the years following 9/11. Contrary to the claim of a two-year lull, Duwe's data shows that mass shootings continued to occur during this period. For example, the 2002 Beltway sniper attacks in the Washington, D.C. area resulted in 10 deaths and three injuries, highlighting that mass shootings persisted despite the national unity experienced after 9/11.)

Underlying Mechanisms of Detribalization

Junger explains that today's societies are often hierarchical and isolating, which can exacerbate trauma. For example, in America, the country's wealth has contributed to the rise of individualism, which leads to elevated levels of anxiety and depression. Each is linked to persistent PTSD. In addition, former service members are often encouraged to view themselves as victimized. Disability benefits for life for conditions such as PTSD, which can be treated and are often not ongoing, may make veterans reliant on the government, turning them into a class of victims.

(Shortform note: Since Junger wrote Tribe, the US has seen a shift in attitudes and policies regarding veterans’ mental health. The National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (NASEM) has advocated for a “recovery-oriented” model of mental health care for veterans, emphasizing treatment and reintegration over long-term disability. This approach aims to prevent veterans from seeing themselves as permanent victims and instead focuses on their potential for recovery and meaningful participation in society.)

Junger adds that when veterans come back, they're frequently seen with such compassion that they’re excused from fully engaging in societal functions. This can be confusing. Veterans should feel as vital and beneficial to their communities as they did during combat. However, in the US, they come back to a nation with many signs of weak social resilience.

(Shortform note: Social resilience is a society’s ability to absorb shocks and recover from them. It depends on the strength of social networks, trust, and civic institutions. When social resilience is weak, people are less able to help each other through hard times.)

Moreover, Junger explains that combat trauma is tied to positive experiences, making it hard to distinguish from the damage. For most combatants, their experiences span the highest highs and the lowest lows. It’s the most significant action a person has taken, and it’s likely their initial experience of complete freedom from society's limitations. They'll miss being deeply immersed in this shaping environment. Additionally, Junger notes that seeing others get hurt, including the enemy, is among the most distressing events a soldier can go through.

(Shortform note: The same situations that create meaning and camaraderie in combat also encode terror and loss. The brain stores these positive and traumatic elements as one fused experience. For example, the adrenaline rush of a firefight bonds soldiers together, but the same surge of adrenaline also imprints the fear and violence of combat. This duality makes it difficult for veterans to separate the positive aspects of their service from the psychological damage. The brain’s inability to distinguish between these intertwined experiences complicates the healing process, as veterans must confront both the loss of camaraderie and the trauma of war simultaneously.)

However, the most terrible thing is when a friend passes away. Losing a friend is frequently considered the most catastrophic event one can experience. It's far more upsetting than facing a threat to one's own life and can frequently prompt psychological collapse in combat or afterward. Even so, most soldiers experience such ordeals and others like them without ending up with lasting trauma.

(Shortform note: While losing a friend is certainly a traumatic experience, it’s not necessarily more upsetting than facing a threat to your own life. In a study of 26 countries, researchers Ronald C. Kessler, Maria Petukhova, and Nancy A. Sampson found that the most distressing experiences people reported included the sudden unexpected death of a loved one, witnessing injury or death, life-threatening accidents, interpersonal violence, and combat-related experiences.)

A person's likelihood of developing persistent PTSD largely relies on their pre-war experiences. The 20% of people who can't get past trauma are usually already dealing with psychological problems, which may be inherited or result from childhood abuse. The chances of developing anxiety disorders linked to PTSD can be sevenfold if you've experienced losing a loved one or didn't receive enough physical affection as a child. Having a lower level of education, being a woman, having a low IQ, or experiencing childhood abuse are factors that can make developing PTSD more likely. The higher likelihood for women is because they're more susceptible to developing PTSD following a physical assault. For different types of distress, the risk is relatively similar across genders.

(Shortform note: This is an example of the diathesis–stress model in clinical psychology, which suggests that mental disorders like PTSD result from the interaction between a person's vulnerability (diathesis) and stressful life events. The model helps explain why some people develop PTSD after trauma while others don't. It suggests that individuals with a higher predisposition—due to genetic, biological, or early life factors—are more likely to develop PTSD when exposed to trauma. This framework has influenced research and treatment approaches, emphasizing the importance of addressing both underlying vulnerabilities and current stressors in managing PTSD.)

These risk factors are almost as reliable in predicting PTSD as how severe the trauma was. Junger argues that insufficient social support is a twice as strong predictor of PTSD than how severe the trauma was. You could suffer mild trauma and end up with persistent PTSD due to insufficient community backing in your environment. Additionally, the issue appears to lie more in reentering society than in trauma from battle. Global research indicates that societal context significantly affects how people recover from warfare or any traumatic experience. It appears that contemporary society isn't among them. In America, a large number of veterans have had entirely ordinary wartime experiences, yet they feel deeply alienated when they return home.

(Shortform note: The brain’s alarm system is designed to be soothed by the presence of close others. If you don’t have reliable closeness after deployment, your brain doesn’t get the signals it needs to stand down. This means even modest traumas can consolidate into enduring PTSD. The brain’s threat detection system is designed to be soothed by the presence of close others. If you don’t have reliable closeness after deployment, your brain doesn’t get the signals it needs to stand down.)

Such alienation is not the same as PTSD, but both result from military service abroad, so it’s understandable that vets and clinicians alike are prone to conflating them. Additionally, when the war is over, many soldiers discover they long for it. It appears that part of the trauma is relinquishing the war. Facing difficulties can increase people's reliance on each other, and that togetherness may create a longing for tough times that can affect even civilians. People often long for the unity brought about by danger and loss, not for the danger or loss itself.

(Shortform note: Rebecca Solnit’s research on disasters from the 1906 San Francisco earthquake to Hurricane Katrina supports the idea that people long for the unity of war, not the war itself. She found that many survivors mourned the loss of the communities they built during the crisis, not the disaster itself. These communities were often more egalitarian and supportive than their pre-disaster lives. Solnit argues that disasters can reveal the potential for a more cooperative society, but this potential is often lost when normalcy returns. Her work suggests that the longing for unity is a common human response to crisis, and that this longing can persist long after the crisis has passed.)

Being in a group certainly causes some stress, but isolation may be even more stressful, so a disaster may cause a net improvement in well-being. Junger explains that humans and other primates are extremely social creatures, and that solo primates making it in nature is rare. When a contemporary soldier comes back from deployment, they transition from a tightly-knit community—an environment that human beings are naturally adapted to—to a culture in which the majority have jobs away from their residences, kids learn from non-family members, households are disconnected from broader society, and self-interest largely overshadows communal welfare. Belonging to a family differs from being in a community that pools resources and nearly all experiences. The individualized lifestyles that modern technologies spawn seem to be deeply brutalizing to the human spirit.

The Benefits of Solitude

While Junger argues that isolation is more stressful than being in a group, there are some people who find isolation to be less stressful. In Solitude, Anthony Storr argues that many people find their greatest sense of meaning and integration not in interpersonal intimacy but in solitary activity. He explains that the ability to be alone, to turn inward, and to pursue creative, intellectual, or spiritual interests in privacy can be a positive and essential condition for psychological growth rather than a sign of disturbance or deprivation. Storr’s perspective is informed by his clinical experience as a psychiatrist, where he observed that some individuals thrive in solitude and that their capacity for being alone is a sign of psychological maturity. He also draws on examples from the lives of artists, writers, and thinkers who have produced their most significant work in isolation.

Rebuilding Tribal Cohesion

Practical Applications

Junger suggests creating community ceremonies to help veterans return to society. Contemporary culture doesn’t provide veterans with opportunities to express their emotions to the broader community. Ceremonies aim to convey one group's experiences to others. If we don't create opportunities to openly address the psychological impact of warfare, the consequences will persist for veterans. One way to address this is to give veterans the opportunity to use their local meeting place each November 11 to openly share their war experiences.

(Shortform note: In Ritual and Its Consequences, the authors argue that public ceremonies can sometimes heighten social distance by making distinctions between groups more visible and explicit. For example, a yearly gathering that highlights veterans' narratives might unintentionally emphasize their difference from their neighbors, reinforcing an “us versus them” divide rather than dissolving it. This suggests that while rituals can be powerful tools for community integration, they must be carefully designed to avoid reinforcing the very boundaries they seek to overcome.)