PDF Summary:The Small and the Mighty, by Sharon McMahon

America's founding ideals promise justice, peace, and liberty for all—but the nation's history reveals a persistent gap between these principles and reality. In The Small and the Mighty, Sharon McMahon examines how ordinary Americans have worked to bridge this gap, often in the face of violent resistance and oppressive systems.

McMahon explores stories of collective action and individual courage that shaped America's progress toward inclusion. She discusses the establishment of Rosenwald Schools that educated Black children across the South, the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the organizers who sustained it, and the Citizenship Schools that trained civil rights leaders and registered thousands of Black voters. Through these accounts, McMahon shows how people with limited political and economic power created lasting change in their communities and beyond.

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The Impact of “With All Deliberate Speed” on School Integration

The Supreme Court’s use of the phrase “with all deliberate speed” in its 1955 Brown II decision allowed local officials to delay school integration for years. Because the Court didn’t set a specific deadline, officials could claim they were complying while using pupil placement boards to assign students to schools based on seemingly neutral criteria like academic ability or behavioral records. These criteria were often used to maintain segregation without explicitly mentioning race. Additionally, constant litigation and appeals further delayed meaningful integration. In some places, it took more than a decade after Brown for significant progress to be made. The 2020 date mentioned by segregationists shows how they interpreted “deliberate speed” as an opportunity to postpone integration indefinitely.

Stories of Small Giants

In this section, we’ll discuss the role of community involvement and investment in uplift initiatives, how Sears expanded access to goods for Black consumers, and the historical fight for justice and equality.

Building Community & Expanding Opportunity

Mechanisms of Community Uplift

McMahon argues that community involvement and investment are crucial for successful uplift initiatives. Booker T. Washington made sure that local communities were invested in educational institutions by requiring them to contribute resources and secure teachers. This approach guaranteed that the schools would be maintained and supported. The Rosenwald Fund also sent employees to visit communities and oversee the projects. The educational institutions were built to high standards, with expansive windows to provide daylight and straightforward blueprints that were simple to build and upkeep.

(Shortform note: The Rosenwald Fund’s matching-grant model required local Black communities to provide land and cash, while white school boards had to pay for teachers’ salaries. This approach ensured that both Black and white communities had a stake in the schools’ success. The legal agreements and financial investments created ongoing pressure on school boards to maintain the schools, as closing them would mean wasting their own resources. This shared investment model helped ensure that the schools remained open and well-maintained, even in the face of resistance from some white officials.)

The Rosenwald educational institutions were incredibly impactful. From 1917 until integration in the 1960s, these schools educated nearly 90% of African American students in Alabama. In the southern U.S., Rosenwald schools educated over 600,000 Black kids. The education they received had a ripple effect, benefiting their families and communities for generations. Many civil rights movement figures, including John Lewis, Maya Angelou, and Medgar Evers, attended Rosenwald schools. Without the education they received, the fight for legal integration and equality might not have been possible.

Rosenwald Schools

Rosenwald educational institutions were rural schools built in the early twentieth century with matching funds from philanthropist Julius Rosenwald. Rosenwald, a Jewish businessman and president of Sears, Roebuck and Company, partnered with Booker T. Washington to address the lack of educational opportunities for Black children in the segregated South. The Rosenwald Fund provided seed money for school construction, but required local Black communities to raise matching funds, ensuring community investment and involvement. This collaborative model led to the construction of over 5,000 schools, shops, and teachers' homes across 15 Southern states, significantly improving educational access for African American children during the Jim Crow era.

Expanding Access & Economic Empowerment

McMahon explains that through mail-order catalogs, Sears expanded access to goods for Black consumers. In rural areas, small shops often had limited stock, and white shopkeepers wouldn't sell to Black customers. The catalog allowed Black customers to order goods directly, bypassing discriminatory shopkeepers.

White store owners tried to block Black customers from ordering by withholding stamps or discarding their mail. Sears responded by offering pre-paid cards that customers could hand straight to their mail carriers, bypassing local postal services. White shopkeepers also spread claims that Sears had Black owners to discourage white customers from shopping there.

The Impact of Home Mail Delivery

In The Postal Age, David M. Henkin explains that the introduction of free city and rural delivery in the late 19th century transformed the way Americans accessed the postal system. Before this, people had to go to the post office to send and receive mail, which could be a barrier for those living far from town centers or facing discrimination. With home delivery, every household became a direct access point to the national postal network. This meant that Black customers could hand their Sears order cards directly to their mail carriers, bypassing local store owners who might have refused to send their orders.

Challenging Injustice & Demanding Equality

McMahon highlights how people have fought for equality and justice throughout history. For instance, Quakers held that all people were equal, which directly challenged monarchs and the upper class. Suffragists then understood that equality is foundational to justice, and justice to peace. The civil rights movement wouldn't have progressed without the bravery of those with minimal political, social, and financial influence.

(Shortform note: In Peace, David Cortright argues that the Quakers, suffragists, and civil rights activists all belong to a long tradition of nonviolent struggle for justice. He explains that the Quakers’ belief in the primacy of individual conscience over the commands of kings and governments laid the groundwork for later movements. Suffragists and civil rights activists then built on this foundation, showing that true peace requires justice and human rights.)

In this section, we’ll discuss acts of resistance and courage, along with the enduring impact and legacy of activism.

Defiant and Courageous Actions

McMahon details how Japanese Americans showed courage and determination by enlisting in the military despite facing discrimination. They were initially barred from enlisting and labeled as hostile foreigners. However, they asked the government to permit them to serve. In 1943, President Roosevelt approved the creation of a separate military unit for Nisei, and 80% of Japanese Americans who were eligible volunteered. They purchased a higher number of war bonds than all other groups. However, they were only allowed to be deployed to Europe, not the Pacific theater, as the government deemed it too risky for security. Their training was especially tough because they’d be isolated in battle, without support from other units.

Nisei

Nisei refers to second-generation Japanese Americans, or the children of Japanese immigrants. The first generation, or Issei, were born in Japan and immigrated to the United States. The Nisei were born in the US and were American citizens by birth. The distinction between Issei and Nisei was significant during World War II, as the Nisei faced unique challenges due to their dual heritage. Despite being American citizens, they were often viewed with suspicion and faced discrimination. The Nisei played a crucial role in the war effort, particularly in the 442nd Regimental Combat Team, which became one of the most decorated units in US military history.

McMahon also highlights the bravery of Jo Ann Robinson and others who organized the protest against segregated public transportation in Montgomery, demonstrating resistance against racial segregation. Robinson taught at Alabama State and belonged to the Women’s Political Council, a political activism group for Black women. She was outraged by the arrest of a Black teenager named Claudette Colvin, who wouldn't relinquish her bus seat to a white person. Robinson started gathering reports of white male bus drivers abusing Black women. She penned correspondence to municipal leaders and attended Colvin’s trial.

(Shortform note: Robinson’s efforts to document complaints and write to city officials are important because note-taking can be a powerful tool for people who are targeted for mistreatment. For example, in 2022, a federal judge ruled that a Black man’s notes about his experiences with police officers were admissible in court. The judge noted that it’s rare for people to take notes about their experiences, and that these notes can be valuable for journalists and historians.)

After Rosa Parks's arrest, Robinson pulled an all-nighter creating 35,000 leaflets on a duplicating machine. She contacted organizers to collect and distribute the flyers throughout town. The leaflets explained what occurred to Parks and called for a December 5, 1955, bus boycott. The Black residents of Montgomery embraced the strategy, which Black clergy reinforced in their Sunday sermons. On December 5, 1955, a Monday, between 30,000 and 50,000 African American residents boycotted the bus. The protest was so effective that the leadership decided to continue it.

(Shortform note: The speed and scale of the Montgomery bus boycott was possible because of years of organizing in Black churches and civic groups. These organizations had already built communication networks and practiced collective economic pressure. For example, in 1953, Black residents had already organized a one-day boycott of the buses to protest fare increases. This experience showed that they could mobilize quickly and effectively. When Robinson distributed her leaflets and Black clergy reinforced the message in their Sunday sermons, they were activating a network that was already primed for action.)

They formed the Montgomery Improvement Association, and Martin Luther King Jr. took on a key role. They developed carpooling plans and requested that taxi drivers charge Black people bus fare rates. The city established a regulation requiring cab drivers to charge at least 45 cents, with fines for those who failed to comply. The MIA met with city leaders, but the city's leadership rejected their demands. The protest persisted. Ride-share participants were frequently stopped and fined. Black people who had vehicles were taken into custody and jailed. Robinson's car was doused in acid, and a rock was hurled through her windshield, breaking it. These vandalous acts were perpetrated in broad daylight by uniformed officers. Still, she refused to quit. The boycott continued for 13 months, until the Supreme Court ruled that it was unconstitutional for Montgomery buses to be segregated.

Why Did the Supreme Court Take Up the Case?

The MIA’s nonviolent protest strategy was effective because it put pressure on the city of Montgomery for over a year, and it drew national attention to the issue. This made it more likely that the Supreme Court would take up the case, as the Court is more likely to hear cases that have significant public interest. The Supreme Court is more likely to hear cases that have significant public interest because it is the highest court in the United States and its decisions have a wide-ranging impact on the country. When a case has significant public interest, it means that the issue at hand is important to a large number of people and has the potential to affect many lives. The Court recognizes that its role is not only to interpret the law but also to address issues that are of great concern to the public. By taking up cases with significant public interest, the Supreme Court can provide clarity and guidance on important legal and social issues.

McMahon also describes how Colvin and her relatives courageously fought against unjust charges and segregation laws. In 1955, Colvin, a Black teenager, declined to relinquish her seat to a white woman on a segregated bus in Montgomery, Alabama. She was arrested and charged with assaulting an officer, disrupting public order, and breaking segregation laws. Colvin and her family decided to contest the charges, despite the risks.

(Shortform note: In At the Dark End of the Street, historian Danielle L. McGuire explains that by the early 1950s, Black activists in Montgomery and across the Deep South had begun to treat confrontations with white supremacy as potential test cases. They deliberately used individual women’s experiences in buses, police cars, jails, and courtrooms to mount constitutional challenges to Jim Crow. This approach involved coordinating legal defense, cultivating plaintiffs willing to endure public scrutiny, and linking courtroom battles to mass organizing.)

They worked with civil rights attorney Fred Gray, who called over a dozen witnesses to testify that Claudette hadn’t resisted or attacked the officers and that she was seated in the part designated for Black riders. The police and white passengers testified that Claudette had attacked the officers, asserting they hadn't harmed her. The judge convicted Claudette of every count, placed her under state guardianship, and put her on probation. Two of the allegations were later dropped to prevent Claudette's lawyers from bringing a federal suit that would contest the city's segregation laws. The court maintained the guilty verdict against Claudette for assault.

Why Claudette Colvin’s Case Couldn’t End Bus Segregation

In Claudette Colvin: Twice Toward Justice, author Phillip Hoose explains that in 1955, civil rights lawyers like Fred Gray could not simply walk into federal court and ask judges to strike down bus segregation in the abstract; they needed a live case in which a Black rider stood convicted under the very Jim Crow ordinance they wanted to challenge, so that the constitutional question was squarely presented on appeal. He explains that city officials and the local judge understood this and deliberately framed the outcome of her case in terms of supposedly neutral, everyday criminal offenses rather than a clear-cut violation of the bus-seating code, because that made it procedurally much harder for Gray to turn her situation into a federal test of the segregation laws’ constitutionality.

From Protest to Progress: Lasting Impact & Legacy

McMahon explains that the Citizenship Schools played a crucial role in increasing Black voter registration and training civil rights leaders. Septima Clark, Myles Horton, Bernice Robinson, and Esau Jenkins worked together to establish these educational programs. They instructed adults in reading, writing, and voting access. The initial Citizenship School was established on Johns Island, a place where Septima had previously been an educator. The educational facility was concealed behind a Black-owned store. Robinson, a hairdresser, was chosen to teach the classes because she was a good listener.

(Shortform note: Some politicians and law-enforcement officials in the Deep South openly denounced the Citizenship Schools. They claimed the schools were part of a communist plot to undermine the “Southern way of life.” They argued that teaching Black people to read and write would lead to social unrest and the breakdown of racial hierarchies. These officials often used fear-mongering tactics to discredit the schools and intimidate those involved.)

She informed her students they'd learn together. She assisted them in creating a list of topics they wanted to study and developed lessons. She also taught them how to write their signatures in cursive. When the first Citizenship School concluded, all 14 of Bernice’s students obtained voter registration certificates. In a few years, over 37 schools for citizenship were created on South Carolina's Sea Islands. Citizenship School attendees later established credit unions, housing projects for people with lower incomes, a senior care facility, and other vital community structures. Within four years, in areas with Citizenship Schools, the number of Black voters registered rose by 300%. By the end of the 1960s, Citizenship Schools had aided the registration of thousands of Black voters, and the majority of civil rights movement leaders were trained by Bernice, Septima, or Highlander instructors.

John Dewey and Democratic Education

The Citizenship Schools’ teaching style was innovative, but it wasn’t the first time someone had suggested that students should have a say in what they learn. In 1916, John Dewey published Democracy and Education, which argued that classrooms should be small democracies where students help determine what they study. Dewey believed that education should prepare students to participate in a democratic society by teaching them to think critically, solve problems, and work together. He argued that when students have a say in their learning, they become more engaged and develop the skills they need to be active citizens. Dewey’s ideas influenced many progressive educators in the early 20th century, but they were often overshadowed by more traditional, top-down approaches to teaching.