PDF Summary:When the Clock Broke, by John Ganz

In When the Clock Broke, John Ganz examines the widespread political unrest that emerged in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s. He explores the rise of conservative populist movements, led by figures like David Duke and Pat Buchanan, and identifies the factors that sparked these movements: economic shifts, social fragmentation, and declining trust in government and traditional institutions.

Ganz further delves into the conservative movement's internal conflicts between neoconservative and paleoconservative factions. He also analyzes how media, particularly talk radio, amplified public discontent and created an outlet for this disillusionment during a period marked by profound societal changes.

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The paleoconservatives, staunchly resistant to the neoconservatives' push for exerting American clout and advancing democratic principles in the vein of the liberal legacy, were compelled to create a unique ideological narrative rooted in the America that predated the New Deal.

The proponents, mainly ex-liberals who aligned with the Republican Party, steadfastly upheld the perspective that the United States symbolized global advancement and democratic principles, a stance taken in response to the sweeping changes of the 1960s. They preserved pride in their nation's accomplishments during the civil rights movement, the widespread consensus on progressive ideals after the Second World War, and their firm position on the world stage, but they also held considerable doubts about Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society programs. Ganz suggests that paleoconservatives view the period in American history after the New Deal as a significant departure from established traditions.

Following the end of the Second World War, paleoconservatives exhibited a pronounced resistance to most major social and political changes. The period marked by the growth of individual freedoms, strengthening of community support networks, and worldwide blending and population changes, also brought about challenges to the core values that paleoconservatives held as the essence of America's spirit due to the influx of new residents. The paleos upheld the importance of community-focused lifestyles and the value of local providers, originating from the rural reforms that took shape in the Southern United States in the 19th century, along with the American populist movement and the pre-World War II America First proponents who strongly opposed the United States' involvement in the European war.

Samuel Francis's efforts aimed at broadening the appeal of staunch conservative ideologies.

Samuel Francis became a prominent intellectual among the paleoconservative right. As an academic historian by training, he served as a foreign policy aide to Senator John East, who received guidance from the distinguished conservative intellectual, Russell Kirk. He played a pivotal role at the paleoconservative publication Chronicles and furthered his career at East, eventually ascending to manage the editorial page of The Washington Times. Ganz highlights Francis's literary achievements and political activism as pivotal in the ideological shift that transformed the nation's conservative faction, moving away from the Reagan era's mix of libertarian, pro-business, and social conservatism, towards a collective marked by white populism and nationalism, which significantly contributed to Donald Trump's rise to the presidency in 2016.

Francis viewed James Burnham's concept of a managerial ideology as a pseudo-scientific framework that positioned a cadre of progressive managers at the helm of American power, defining the essence of American identity.

In his 1982 publication, Francis sought to combine James Burnham's managerial theory with the vigorous right-wing populist wave that emerged in the late 1970s. Francis contended that the burgeoning political faction, often referred to as the New Right, despite its occasionally ambiguous identity and objectives, signifies a considerable transformation reflecting the changing contours of American society, with the capacity to shape not only the political domain but also societal and cultural spheres. Francis contended that the conservative movement's foundation was the group labeled "Middle American Radicals," or "MARs"—mainly white, lower-middle and working-class people who had earlier been a driving force behind George Wallace's campaigns and constituted the segment commonly known as the unspoken majority of Nixon's era. They fostered resentment and a sense of exploitation in multiple aspects, such as economic, which they projected onto individuals of higher and lower ranks, accompanied by a sense of alienation from recognized institutions and power structures.

Francis believed that the challenges confronting the United States and pinpointing its domestic foes stemmed from the emergence of a new class of bureaucratic leaders and institutional supervisors. The growth of government and corporate bureaucracy led to the rise of a new social layer that assumed roles and status once associated with America's conventional middle class, which included agriculturalists, proprietors of small enterprises, and autonomous manufacturers. Francis was of the opinion that the managers, once vigilant in fostering economic growth and national wealth, had given in to greed and excess, placing their own interests first and promoting a global acceptance that erodes the ethical standards of the middle class.

Francis championed a revolutionary shift founded on a new kind of national pride, one that originated from the sense of alienation experienced by the white middle class, and he disturbingly commended the methods used by extremist groups and figures, including a former head of the Ku Klux Klan.

As the 1980s drew to a close, signaling the cessation of the Cold War and the collapse of the Eastern bloc, Francis began to reassess his dedication to conservative ideals. He started to doubt whether the movement of the middle class could achieve a permanent victory over the prevailing liberal ideology, especially the form characterized by extensive control and administrative power throughout society and the government during that period. In his 1985 Chronicles article, he presented a hopeful analysis of ultraconservative factions, commending groups such as The Order, which was a neo-Nazi organization implicated in the 1984 killing of Jewish radio personality Alan Berg. Francis contended that such behaviors were fostering a narrative capable of invigorating conservative thought, transforming it from simple maintenance of the status quo into a proactive campaign to overturn it.

Francis' transformation toward radical conservative beliefs deepened as he developed a growing fascination and hesitant admiration for an individual he once portrayed merely as a significant illustration of the impact of race issues on the rise of popular political groups. Francis consistently attempted to portray Duke as a model of an effective approach designed to appeal to white middle-class constituents who viewed minority advancement with suspicion and believed that the liberal establishment was eroding conventional values, through his writings for a conservative magazine and his contributions to a prominent newspaper in Washington. He was convinced that to overcome the deep-seated emotional opposition, it was essential to confront biases directly, recognizing his skill in converting his fear and anger into an outward appearance of respectability.

Murray Rothbard's political stance evolved from libertarianism to a blend of populist and conservative ideologies.

Murray Rothbard's career encompassed scholarly pursuits as well as engagements in conservative politics. He was a fervent advocate for the laissez-faire economic principles characteristic of the school of thought originating in Austria, which Ludwig von Mises prominently championed. Rothbard's view of history was marked by a profound cynicism, seeing it as an unending series of conflicts and deceptions by the powerful, which fueled his profound suspicion and rejection of all forms of authority. Ganz highlights that Rothbard embodies the paradoxical nature of the American libertarian tradition, committed to safeguarding personal freedoms yet simultaneously advocating for a strict perspective on authority that maintains existing societal and ethnic hierarchies.

Rothbard joined forces with a faction dedicated to merging libertarian values with a paleoconservative focus on the issues facing America's core regions, both socially and economically.

Rothbard consistently stood out as an unorthodox figure within his own tradition. In his literary and political endeavors, his steadfast contentiousness, inclination for controversy, and sporadic episodes of extreme behavior distinguished him as a pivotal force shaping libertarian ideology. His political stance depicted the government as a parasitic entity sapping the vitality from hardworking individuals, attracting a small yet dedicated following and simultaneously placing him at odds with conventional conservative thought. In the 1970s, with the rise of neoconservatism as the dominant intellectual trend within conservative circles, Rothbard's ideas markedly diminished in influence. John Ganz reconnected with conservative groups in the 1990s as his disillusionment with the prevailing conservative authorities grew, and by forging relationships with socio-cultural conservatives who similarly felt alienated from the Republican principles of the Reagan era.

Rothbard found James Burnham's bleak view of the managerial elite resonating with his own disdain for state power. Rothbard believed that the true clash of interests is not between capitalists and workers, but between productive contributors and a group that gains from tax revenues, which includes both welfare recipients and the bureaucratic tier that thrives on the welfare system. He also found a deep connection with the Southern Agrarian movement, particularly its rejection of industrial advancement and its endorsement of endeavors that reinforce communal ties, along with a strong appreciation for a social framework that prioritizes farming households and local manufacturing.

Rothbard advocated for transcending the limitations linked to the twentieth century in order to wholeheartedly embrace a deeply discontented, radical conservative ideology.

During a speech at the John Randolph Club in 1992, later included in The Rothbard-Rockwell Report, Rothbard recognized the backing from several unconventional groups. He had been feeling increasingly alienated from the fundamental tenets of the conservative movement for a while and now embraced his outsider status with a sense of pride. John Ganz implies that the speech served two functions: it provided a chance for personal vengeance and a means to advocate for a political belief system intent on toppling the reviled liberal authorities he deemed to be tainted.

Rothbard engaged with the John Randolph Club, an organization whose extreme ideologies he had not initially shared, by foregoing traditional political civility to address what he saw as the fundamental issues important to his followers.

The conservative movement's keen interest in figures like John Gotti and the iconic film "The Godfather" is quite prominent.

Numerous individuals within the American conservative movement during the 1980s and 1990s held in high esteem the persona of John Gotti, as well as the archetypal representation found in The Godfather. Ganz observes that the character's sway over the public psyche diminished as the heinous acts and participation in localized narcotics trade by the mob became widely known, leading the conservative group to focus on these figures of the underworld—real or imagined—as models of authority and a questionable type of authenticity, confronting the permissive tolerance and dishonesty common in modern liberal culture.

John Gotti rose to a level akin to that of a public figure amidst growing worries about the rise in criminal behavior and the decline of urban settings.

John Ganz illustrates Gotti's rise as symbolic of widespread worries about criminal undertakings and the decline in urban living standards. Despite his violent career and eventual indictment on eleven counts of racketeering and five counts of murder, he cultivated an image of being a protector of the common people, standing up against what he depicted as overzealous and unscrupulous law enforcement officials who targeted him because of his wealth and flamboyant way of living, attracting a loyal following that viewed the government's relentless efforts to imprison him as unjustified persecution.

Gotti and his attorneys skillfully capitalized on worries about the decline of social values and the fairness of the legal system, nurturing the perception that he was being unfairly targeted. Media outlets were drawn to his charismatic presence, unique style, and easy charm, highlighting his status as a modern-day Robin Hood who personified widespread frustration with political stagnation and deceit, rather than focusing on his considerable unlawful activities.

Intellectual conservatives engaged in a deep analysis of the depiction of the mafia family in "The Godfather" as a tightly-knit social group, juxtaposed with the ethically ambiguous modern American society.

Ganz suggests that proponents of conventional morals found in the story of The Godfather a portrayal of a more authentic and untainted American lifestyle, evoking images of a time before industrialization when family units were the essential building blocks of social and political institutions, now threatened by the growth of a vast government system and a culture overwhelmed by corporate influence. Ganz posits that the appeal of "The Godfather" to individuals with paleoconservative views extends past a simple nostalgia for the period before the social transformations of the 1960s and 1970s, exploring a deep-seated aversion to the modern era and the perceived decline of time-honored values.

Movies that showcased the Corleone clan presented a nostalgic perspective of the pre-modern era and depicted the family-operated enterprise under a father figure's leadership as a bastion of honor in the face of the unyielding and frequently grim progression of corporate influence and corrupt modern politics. The Corleones embodied the principles of heritage, respect, and allegiance, showcasing a closely bonded familial framework that reflected a structured societal and governmental hierarchy, all overseen with a resolute, empathetic, and responsible manner. But the movies also contained a tragic subtext. The family ultimately disintegrates due to the cunning plans set in motion by his own offspring, despite the head of the family's skillful use of his sway to maintain unity within the family, which is eroded by the unyielding advance of contemporary forces and societal structures.

Other Perspectives

• The fragmentation of the conservative movement into paleoconservatives and neoconservatives could be seen as a natural evolution of political thought rather than a disintegration, reflecting the dynamic nature of political ideologies.
• The perception of paleoconservatives as underdogs in economic power might overlook the influence they have had on shaping policy and public opinion through grassroots movements and alternative media.
• The push for American clout and democratic principles by neoconservatives can be argued to have contributed to the spread of democracy and the end of authoritarian regimes, which some would view as a positive global influence.
• The ideological narrative rooted in pre-New Deal America may not fully account for the complexities and progress of modern society, including advancements in civil rights and social welfare.
• The resistance to major social and political changes post-World War II by paleoconservatives could be challenged by pointing out the benefits of those changes, such as increased civil liberties and economic opportunities for marginalized groups.
• Samuel Francis's broadening of conservative ideologies towards white populism and nationalism can be criticized for potentially excluding diverse perspectives within the conservative movement and American society.
• The commendation of extremist groups and figures by Francis could be countered by emphasizing the importance of civil discourse and the dangers of legitimizing radical ideologies that promote hate or violence.
• Murray Rothbard's evolution towards a blend of populist and conservative ideologies might be critiqued for potentially disregarding the benefits of a balanced approach that includes both individual liberties and a role for government in addressing social issues.
• The admiration for figures like John Gotti and "The Godfather" within some conservative circles could be criticized for romanticizing criminal behavior and overlooking the negative impact of organized crime on society.
• The portrayal of "The Godfather" as a representation of an authentic American lifestyle might be challenged by arguing that it glamorizes a patriarchal and violent vision of family and society that does not align with contemporary values of equality and nonviolence.

During the 1980s and 1990s, society, the economy, and communication underwent substantial transformations, leading to political turmoil and exacerbating societal divides.

Ganz's narrative on societal shifts emphasizes the trends that led to the dissolution of common agreement while also laying the groundwork for new forms of political participation and expression. The implicit commitment of the United States to its people appeared broken, as the country was no longer able to guarantee the financial security and social cohesion that had been assumed during the affluent years after the conflict. This was demonstrated by the decreasing availability of manufacturing positions, the expansion of positions in the service sector that offered minimal compensation, and the prevalent concern over the growing frequency of marital separations. The rise in tension was exacerbated by a media environment lacking oversight, with radio broadcasts emerging as the main conduits for what Ganz describes as "voter rage."

During the 1980s, economic concerns deepened, leading to a widening disparity between rich and poor, and societal divisions became more pronounced.

Ganz highlights a significant shift that led to a pervasive sense of unease in the economic, social, and political realms of the United States during the 1980s and 1990s. This period signaled a move towards what is known in economic terms as a transition away from industrial production, and what social scientists describe as the "post-Fordist" era, signifying a change from a robust middle-class society founded on mass production to one defined by a less stable and more finance-oriented economic framework.

The economic shifts led to a decline in manufacturing employment, reduced earnings for those in the middle-income bracket, and a rise in less lucrative service sector jobs, undermining the financial security that had been a hallmark in the United States following World War II.

The period commonly known as the "age of diminished expectations" might be more aptly characterized as an epoch marked by promises that went unmet, rather than a diminishment of hopes. The aspiration to attain wealth, epitomized by homeownership, vehicle possession, and the aspiration to ensure an improved economic future for one's offspring, appeared progressively unattainable, particularly for a middle class that sensed its slide into economic difficulty.

In the 1970s, as a response to an economic slump and a scarcity of oil, the United States embarked on a restructuring of its economic policies, embracing a "neoliberal" ideology that encompassed diminishing the power of labor unions, cutting taxes, and relaxing business regulations. To counteract escalating inflation, Paul Volcker, who was appointed by Jimmy Carter and had previous connections to the Democratic Party, implemented a policy that significantly increased interest rates. This measure led to a severe shortage of credit, which had a detrimental impact on the industrial and farming sectors, resulting in numerous bankruptcies. Proponents of the Republican side attributed the ascent of the Reagan Revolution not to deliberate governmental decisions on taxes, spending, and trade, but instead saw it as an inevitable result of the workings of the free market. Reagan's era of economic expansion did not benefit everyone equally; it was the wealthy who reaped the most rewards, whereas those in blue-collar positions faced unemployment, wages in office roles remained static, and the financial conditions deteriorated for individuals at the bottom of the economic hierarchy. The financial slump that persisted from 1990 to 1991 affected individuals across various income levels, from professionals to those of considerable means, forcing many to apply for unemployment assistance and social welfare programs.

As the number of divorces rose and worries about divided families increased, along with a pervasive feeling of loneliness, the notion that society was crumbling became more pronounced.

Ganz posits that the economic metamorphosis and the waning steadiness of the middle class mirrored similar shifts in the cultural sphere. The structures in America providing material and spiritual support post-war started to fail, leading individuals to increasingly depend on their own skills to overcome the emerging difficulties. During the 1970s to the early 1980s, the rise in divorce rates sparked substantial worry regarding the breakdown of familial structures and the likelihood that children from these divided homes might be more prone to social problems, underscoring the idea that traditional ways of preserving societal cohesion were losing their effectiveness.

Ganz suggests that the breakdown of conventional family units and the obstacles encountered by households with a single parent reflect a more widespread fragmentation throughout the nation. During this period, there was a widespread focus on the notion of "loneliness," which denoted not only the disconcerting isolation felt by individuals but also suggested that the United States was losing its sense of shared identity and was no longer united by shared dreams and principles. The conclusion of the decades-long geopolitical tension known as the Cold War, along with the waning impact of religious institutions, the weakening of traditional community ties, and the vanishing assurance of lifelong employment in corporate environments, indicated profound transformations. Numerous individuals sought inspiration from historical precedents to address contemporary issues: conservatives and religious factions longed for an era they regarded as emblematic of strong familial ethics, akin to the 1950s, while progressives bemoaned the decline in collective responsibility and societal morals.

Radio discussion programs experienced an increase in popularity.

As traditional social ties in the United States began to fray, individuals turned to different media platforms in search of comfort and a sense of belonging, utilizing these channels to express their worries. Ganz posits that the primary platforms for the cultivation, direction, and expression of voter indignation were talk radio and television. During this era, there was a pervasive sense of unease as thinkers from diverse disciplines acknowledged that the collapse of traditional social structures was a factor in the chaos; yet, these debates frequently highlighted divisions rooted in race, ancestry, and moral principles, fostering discord rather than togetherness.

Public discontent was articulated through figures such as Rush Limbaugh, who adeptly echoed the public's worries about crime, immigration, and cultural changes with a tone of indignation.

The general dissatisfaction among the public found a strong voice through discussions on talk radio shows. Though it had been around for many years, often featuring mundane conversations about societal issues, by the mid-1980s, talk radio had been transformed by "shock jocks" who emerged as a contrarian force, offering listeners a display of aggressive speech, ridicule, and scorn ranging from light teasing to intense bigotry. John Ganz recognizes Rush Limbaugh as the central figure in this movement. Supporters often described him as a political satirist, someone who aimed to highlight the ridiculousness through his own exaggerated commentary, but it was clear that his followers were primarily drawn to his critiques of "feminazis," bleeding heart liberals, proponents of increased social awareness, individuals taking advantage of welfare systems, various marginalized groups, and, especially, the scorned elite with their intricate jargon.

Programs like Springer, with the intention of offering comfort and a sense of community to audiences worried about social disintegration, also indulge in sensationalism and exploit their guests to increase audience numbers.

Public discourse took on a distinct form through daytime television programming. While it seemed to tackle the everyday challenges and feelings of typical Americans, Ganz observed that the book's method was more compassionate and empathetic, with a genuine rather than confrontational and forceful demeanor that is commonly seen in televised debates. Phil Donahue was instrumental in defining the late 20th-century talk show landscape, which included live audiences and incorporated viewer participation through phone calls, all while maintaining a thorough and unbiased examination of sensitive issues concerning gender, race, and sexual orientation. During the 1990s, the talk show landscape experienced a considerable shift, shaped by the relaxation of broadcasting rules and a growing demand for contentious topics, which altered Donahue's initial concept of a public platform into a more profitable format that emphasized and capitalized on social issues and biases: Showcasing individuals with problems proved to be an economically beneficial approach for Donahue and those who followed in his footsteps within the industry.

Television shows broadcast during the day frequently appeal to women, whereas nighttime radio programs are usually aimed at men, thus reinforcing traditional gender roles within American society.

John Ganz observes a transformation in strategy and target demographics when contrasting daytime TV with evening radio broadcasts, underscoring the changing composition of media consumers and a wider departure from traditional aspects of American society. The environment necessitated the development of a specialized audience segment to achieve success, thereby encouraging the expression of bold and occasionally extreme opinions.

Representative Rodney Frank spoke about a substantial decline in confidence in institutions and those in power, describing it as a revolt, particularly within the Republican ranks, against what he termed "the notsapostas." Daytime television programming, typically marked by its sophisticated and healing nature, centered on polite conversations between individuals exploring common concerns, was primarily targeted at women and often tackled topics considered to pertain to "feminine" interest. Discussions and debates on the radio were primarily targeted at men, capitalizing on their discontent with women. Ganz emphasizes how the evolution observed within media circles stemmed from a softening of traditional gender norms, but simultaneously reinforced these norms by presenting the typical segregation of people by gender into separate realms, each with its own values and issues, as a natural state.

The incident involving Rodney King sparked civil unrest that mirrored profound anxieties, widespread deceit, and common hostility throughout American society.

The writer views the civil disturbances in Los Angeles, sparked by the acquittal of four policemen involved in the brutal beating of Rodney King, as signs of deeper, ingrained conflicts in American society. Hostility grew not only because people saw acts of police brutality, but also because there was a pervasive sense that the foundational agreement of governance in the United States, which is supposed to ensure civil order and the welfare of its citizens, had been breached.

Context

• Post-Fordism describes a shift in production methods towards flexibility, individualized labor relations, and segmented markets after the decline of Fordist mass production. It signifies a departure from the assembly-line model of production towards more specialized, small-batch production and increased emphasis on consumer choice and identity. Post-Fordism emerged as a response to changing consumer demands, technological advancements, and the need for more adaptable production systems. This transition impacted job roles, labor relations, and the overall organization of production networks.
• Neoliberal ideology is a political and economic philosophy that advocates for free-market capitalism, emphasizing policies like privatization, deregulation, globalization, and reduced government intervention in the economy. It emerged in the late 20th century as a response to economic challenges and a desire to increase the role of the private sector in society. Neoliberalism is often associated with conservative and right-libertarian groups and is characterized by a focus on market-based reforms and individual choice. The term "neoliberalism" is used to describe a shift towards market-oriented policies and institutions.
• The Reagan Revolution refers to the conservative movement led by President Ronald Reagan in the 1980s, characterized by significant shifts in domestic and foreign policies. It encompassed changes in areas such as taxes, welfare, defense, and the judiciary, along with a focus on anti-communism during the Cold War. Reagan's presidency marked a period of conservative dominance in American policy-making, impacting subsequent presidencies and political ideologies. The era is often praised by conservatives for its influence on shaping modern American politics and policies.
• A shock jock is a radio personality known for making provocative, controversial, or offensive statements to entertain and attract listeners. They often use humor, exaggeration, and boundary-pushing content to generate attention and increase ratings. Shock jocks are akin to tabloid newspapers in prioritizing entertainment value over factual information, typically found on radio stations with a "hot talk" format. The term gained prominence in the 1980s, notably associated with figures like Howard Stern, who pushed the boundaries of traditional radio broadcasting.
• Rodney King was a victim of police brutality in 1991, when he was severely beaten by Los Angeles Police Department officers after a high-speed chase. The incident was captured on video by a bystander and sparked widespread outrage and public attention. The officers involved faced disciplinary actions and criminal charges, leading to a highly publicized trial on charges of excessive force.