PDF Summary:Saudi, Inc., by Ellen R. Wald

Saudi, Inc. by Ellen R. Wald provides insights into the historic partnership between Saudi Arabia and the American oil giant Aramco. Through the journey of these two entities, the book explores the interplay between Saudi Arabia's quest for economic development, its cultural traditions, and its desire for control over the nation's immense oil resources.

The first part examines Aramco's arduous beginnings in the Saudi desert, the complex negotiations for rights and profits, and the internal rifts between the Saudi royal family as they vied for power and influence. The latter part chronicles Saudi Arabia's gradual acquisition of Aramco and its transformation into a global energy conglomerate enmeshed with the kingdom's strategic interests.

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King Saud's removal from power signified a pivotal shift in the approach to future leadership transitions, succeeding a period marked by ongoing disputes among the members of the al Saud dynasty. Conflicts among members of the royal family, particularly between Saud and Feisal, were seen as jeopardizing their authority to rule. Following Saud's abdication, the royal family demonstrated a unified stance, emphasizing their complete support and reverence for the sovereign in power, regardless of individual disagreements. The emphasis on unity within the al Saud family became a key trait that helped maintain consistent stability and the transition of leadership through the following generations in Saudi Arabia.

The establishment of a structured system aimed to avert future power struggles by clarifying the succession process.

The al Saud family acknowledged the importance of instituting a structured process for succession to maintain their dynasty's stability and avert potential disputes regarding leadership. The family established a protocol for choosing a successor among siblings, prioritizing merit and capability, recognizing that a capable leader is essential for protecting the family's long-term interests. The creation of the Crown Prince position cemented the hierarchy of ascension to the throne and provided the heir apparent with essential governance experience.

The creation of the positions of Crown Prince and eventually Deputy Crown Prince played a crucial role in defining the line of succession.

Following Saud's abdication in 1965, Feisal ascended to the throne, and his brothers chose Khaled, the fifth son of Abdul Aziz, as the successor. Khaled's composed nature and modest ambitions positioned him as the preferred choice, even though it was typically anticipated that Mohammad, being the third son, would be selected due to the order of his birth. The siblings recognized that Mohammad's erratic behavior could undermine the family's position and diminish their sway. They shifted from hereditary succession to a system that prioritized political stability and the display of consensus. The country subsequently implemented more formal procedures for determining the next in line to the throne by creating the position of Deputy Crown Prince, which guaranteed a well-defined hierarchy for succession and maintained consistent governance.

The royal family selects successors committed to maintaining the dynasty's long-standing interests, instead of making the choice solely on birth order.

In selecting its leadership, Saudi Arabia places importance on both the consensus within the male descendants of the nation's founder and the need for competent governance. The monarch's responsibilities went beyond succession, as they were also tasked with maintaining the dynasty's heritage, protecting its assets, and securing its continued success for future generations. Feisal ascended to power and, with the endorsement of religious authorities who confirmed the legitimacy of their rule, he and his royal brothers dismissed the notion that succession should be based strictly on age or ancestry. For this reason, they dismissed Mohammad, whom many considered a hindrance, despite his shrewd political insights. Some members of the al Saud dynasty held doubts about Fahd's ambitions. The al Saud's prosperity over the subsequent half-century was marked by a focus on merit-based advancement and the cohesiveness of the family unit.

Other Perspectives

• While King Abdul Aziz aimed to foster unity, it could be argued that the inherent competition for power among numerous sons was inevitable, and his efforts may have only delayed the eventual disputes.
• The pledge of mutual support between Saud and Feisal, as mandated by Abdul Aziz, may not have been realistic given their differing personalities and visions for governance, suggesting that such agreements may be fragile in the face of realpolitik.
• The efforts of Feisal to curb Saud's extravagances might be seen not only as a move for fiscal responsibility but also as a strategic maneuver to consolidate his own power base.
• The influence of religious leaders and the broader royal family in the ousting of Saud could be interpreted as a political alliance that served their interests, rather than a purely principled stand.
• Rationalizing the transition from Saud to Feisal using Islamic principles could be critiqued as a convenient justification for a power shift that was politically motivated.
• The emphasis on presenting a cohesive image by the royal family might mask underlying tensions and dissent, which could manifest in other forms of political maneuvering or power struggles.
• The establishment of a structured system for succession may not completely avert power struggles, as personal ambitions and the dynamics of power can often override formal protocols.
• The creation of the positions of Crown Prince and Deputy Crown Prince, while defining the line of succession, does not necessarily ensure that the most capable or popular candidates are chosen, as internal family politics can influence these decisions.
• Choosing successors based on commitment to the dynasty's interests rather than birth order could be criticized for being subjective and potentially leading to the selection of leaders who align with the interests of the current power holders rather than those best suited to lead.

The Saudi government leverages Aramco's petroleum production to enhance its sway, pursue financial benefits, and blend modern principles with traditional practices, thus securing its rule.

The inquiry into this sector explores the methods by which the Saudi royal family harnessed Aramco and the oil industry to achieve their national and international policy goals. The Saudi Arabian government utilized Aramco's earnings to fund extensive programs designed to reshape the country's social framework and strengthen the royal family's power by sharing the petroleum riches with the populace. The growth intensified the conflict between economic advancement and the conservative cultural and religious tenets that are the bedrock of Saudi Arabia's governance. Wald emphasizes the tactical measures implemented during Abdullah Sulaiman's tenure and continuing with Zaki Yamani's rise to the position of oil minister, aimed at consolidating control over Aramco and boosting revenue.

The nation's progress and development are bolstered by the financial support provided by the Saudi government through Aramco.

The initiation of significant oil output by Aramco resulted in a remarkable increase in income for Saudi Arabia. The ruling family, aware of their previous expulsion in the 19th century due to internal strife and the challenges of supporting their people, used these resources to bring about a transformative shift in the country. King Abdul Aziz saw Aramco as a "partner in development" and believed he could provide for his people with this new source of income. The resources were designated for enhancing infrastructure, healthcare facilities, educational institutions, and to cultivate a workforce that is both skilled and professionally trained, as well as to build opulent residences and estates for the kingdom's ruling lineage.

The Saudi Arabian monarchy harnessed Aramco's earnings to empower their citizens and solidify their status as rightful rulers.

The Saudi royal family maintained its rule through a particular mutual agreement. The al Saud family garnered the allegiance of their citizens by promising to look after their well-being, unlike modern governments that base their legitimacy on social contracts or patriotic sentiments. The dedication was deeply entrenched in the traditions stemming from the nomadic lineage of the Arabian Peninsula, where resource allocation by a tribal leader was crucial for sustaining allegiance. The king consistently addressed the needs of his people in a public manner, providing them with financial support, necessary supplies, and fair legal treatment. Before the oil revenue began to flow, King Abdul Aziz often lacked the resources required to meet this obligation. The kingdom was able to maintain the extravagant way of life of the royal family and support projects designed to gain the loyalty of the increasing number of Saudi citizens, thanks to the financial resources provided by Aramco.

Navigating the societal and cultural impacts associated with the growth of the oil sector and Aramco's influence, the government of Saudi Arabia had to strike a delicate equilibrium between adopting advancements and maintaining traditional standards.

The influx of American geologists and engineers, along with their families, into Saudi Arabia presented cultural hurdles amid the growth of Aramco. Before the discovery of oil, Westerners mainly resided in the coastal city of Jeddah, whereas Aramco's employees were spread across the country, living in company-built communities that resembled military bases. The central offices of Saudi Aramco, located in the isolated area of Dhahran, fostered a community that embraced American lifestyles, which included the hanging of Christmas decorations and the presence of typically Western commodities and customs, such as pork in supermarkets and the drinking of alcoholic beverages. The rise of an industrial labor force resulted in a conflict between the longstanding customs of Saudi Arabia and the requirements of modernity. King Abdul Aziz was adamant that the infrastructure for Aramco be constructed away from the kingdom's main urban areas. The path to modernization naturally resulted in clashes between the area's deep-rooted religious and social traditions and the affluent Western workers who were largely exempt from many local practices.

The leadership of Saudi Arabia continues to strive for control in the oil industry and to maximize their earnings from it.

The country aimed to enhance the economic gains from its petroleum assets, which at that time were largely benefiting Aramco. The authorities in Saudi Arabia acknowledged the opportunity to improve the lives of its citizens and strengthen their regional power by leveraging their most significant asset—their command over oil reserves. Wald outlines the tactical discussions and negotiations spearheaded by key Saudi figures including Finance Minister Abdullah Sulaiman, alongside oil ministers Abdullah Tariki and Zaki Yamani, who entered into talks with Aramco executives and international oil figures to secure a larger portion of the company.

Abdullah Sulaiman meticulously adjusted the Aramco concession conditions to secure a higher revenue stream for the kingdom.

Abdullah Sulaiman, serving as the finance minister since the 1920s under Abdul Aziz, became increasingly adept at ensuring that a significant share of Aramco's profits was allocated to Saudi Arabia. His strategy was a cautious and calculated approach that at times appeared deliberately obscured by confusing accounting practices from an ostensibly backwards nation. Sulaiman was acutely aware of Aramco's fears about being nationalized and the significant emphasis the U.S. government put on ensuring the company's operations proceeded without disruption. He skillfully used his knowledge and firm requirements to persuade Aramco to alter the original contract, which significantly increased the portion of profits allocated to Saudi Arabia.

During Zaki Yamani's tenure, the relationship between Aramco and the Saudi government transformed, culminating in the Saudis gaining full ownership and control.

In 1962, the role of oil minister was assumed by Zaki Yamani, succeeding Abdullah Tariki. Yamani continued Sulaiman's work by boosting the nation's financial benefits, with his most significant accomplishment being the establishment of the nation's complete ownership over the company. Tariki advocated for seizing command of resources akin to the measures taken by Iran and Iraq, whereas Yamani considered the management of oil production a strategic initiative to be sustained over time. He aimed to gain a comprehensive grasp of the petroleum sector to position his country as a major force on the international stage. Saudi Arabia initially sought to acquire a 25% stake in the company. Second, Yamani's objective was to evolve OPEC from an organization that had been mostly ineffective since its founding into a powerful entity in the realm of oil production. Then, Yamani would oversee the full nationalization of Aramco in a strategy of patience that would take decades to complete.

Under the guidance of leaders from Saudi Arabia, Aramco evolved into a dominant global force within the energy industry.

After obtaining full ownership of Aramco, Saudi Arabia initiated a growth strategy that had been previously constrained due to oversight from the United States. In 1988, Ali al-Naimi ascended to the leadership of Aramco, becoming the first Saudi national to assume the role of CEO and guiding the company through a period of significant change marked by strategic investments, acquisitions, and expansion efforts. This period of significant change broadened Aramco's scope from solely focusing on upstream oil production to include various midstream and downstream operations, solidifying its global market stance and setting the direction for its future endeavors. Saudi Aramco, having transitioned from its Delaware incorporation, embraced a new identity and embarked on initiatives to adopt advanced technologies, and prepare for a future where its main revenue would not rely predominantly on crude oil sales, while focusing on recruiting Saudi nationals with global educational credentials.

The firm's growth into sectors like oil refining, the creation of chemicals derived from petroleum, and sustainable energy is in harmony with the country's long-term strategic goals.

Saudi Aramco, diverging from the strategies of its former American proprietors, aimed to ensure its enduring profitability not by ensuring consistent oil output, but by adopting a comprehensive strategy that included every aspect of the petroleum industry, from exploration and extraction to refinement and distribution, as well as engaging in refining, chemical manufacturing, and the creation of innovative energy solutions. To cut costs while preserving optimal profitability, these measures often involved forming alliances with established, well-regarded companies across Asia, Europe, and North America. As the financial prowess of the Saudi economy and the proficiency of Aramco grew, the firm often sought to acquire the enterprises it had originally partnered with. Saudi Arabian officials regarded the extended succession process, potentially spanning over a decade, as beneficial for ensuring a stable and smooth transfer of power. In the 21st century, Aramco broadened its business scope to include initiatives in renewable energy such as solar, thereby increasing the variety of its investments across Saudi Arabia and internationally.

The firm's initiative to promote domestic talent progressed with the rise of Saudi nationals in leadership and technical positions within the company.

The initial phase of converting Aramco into an organization under Saudi Arabian control entailed transferring both ownership and administrative responsibilities from the American originators to Saudi officials. The company concentrated on building a leadership team composed of Saudis educated in the United States and individuals who had risen through the ranks, with the goal of bolstering the prosperity of Saudi Arabia and securing the future of the al Saud dynasty, a goal realized by strategic discussions and share acquisitions from 1972 to 1980. Aramco's contemporary success, as observed by Wald, is largely due to its commitment to fostering the growth and skills of the young population in Saudi Arabia, preparing them for future positions such as engineers, geologists, computer scientists, and managers. Aramco facilitated the expansion of young individuals' perspectives and access to education by funding their scholarships, which frequently allowed them to pursue studies in Western countries, notably the United States.

Other Perspectives

• While the Saudi government has used Aramco's petroleum production for financial gains, it could be argued that the wealth has not been distributed equitably among the population, with significant disparities remaining.
• The programs funded by Aramco's earnings may have contributed to societal reshaping, but critics might argue that they have also perpetuated a system that lacks political freedoms and civil liberties.
• The conflict between economic advancement and conservative cultural practices may be oversimplified, as there are instances where economic interests have led to the relaxation of certain conservative practices.
• King Abdul Aziz's partnership with Aramco for development could be critiqued for creating a dependency on oil revenues that may not be sustainable in the long term, especially with the global shift towards renewable energy.
• The sharing of petroleum riches with citizens by the royal family can be seen as a means of maintaining power rather than a genuine effort to improve the welfare of all citizens.
• The cultural challenges presented by the influx of Westerners might be viewed as a necessary part of globalization and modernization, which can lead to positive changes in a society.
• The aim to maximize earnings from the oil industry may be criticized for not focusing enough on diversifying the economy, which could leave Saudi Arabia vulnerable to oil market fluctuations.
• Abdullah Sulaiman's adjustments to Aramco's concession conditions, while increasing revenue, might be critiqued for lacking transparency and potentially not securing the best long-term deal for the country.
• The full ownership of Aramco by the Saudi government under Zaki Yamani's tenure could be seen as a move that consolidates power and wealth within the ruling elite, rather than democratizing the wealth for the benefit of all citizens.
• Aramco's evolution into a global force is commendable, but it could be argued that the company's expansion has contributed to environmental degradation and climate change.
• The expansion into oil refining and chemical manufacturing might be criticized for continuing to invest in industries that are heavily polluting and contribute to climate change, despite the move towards sustainable energy.
• The promotion of domestic talent within Aramco is positive, but it could be argued that the company and the government should do more to foster a diverse and inclusive workforce that represents the broader Saudi population.

Aramco's approach and international market growth have adapted over time in reaction to major global political incidents.

The final section delves into the interrelation between Aramco's growth, the evolution of Saudi oil policies, and significant worldwide events. Wald highlights how the 1970s oil crisis reinforced the Saudi government's resolve to retain absolute control over its petroleum resources, thereby enhancing Aramco's global standing. During the last decades of the 20th century, as the oil industry underwent significant changes, Saudi Arabia and its state-run company Aramco, recognizing their crucial position as a major provider of oil, broadened their commercial activities into Asian regions. The narrative highlights the strategic decisions made by Saudi leaders to leverage their country's vast oil resources and Aramco's unique capabilities to secure economic and political power on a global scale.

During the 1970s oil crisis, Saudi Arabia utilized its oil wealth to gain significant political and economic clout.

The geopolitical instability of the 1970s, especially incidents such as the Yom Kippur War, led to major disruptions in the global oil sector. Wald delivers an in-depth examination of the way Zaki Yamani, the oil minister, harnessed Saudi Arabia's substantial oil production capabilities to enhance revenue and secure a dominant position in the global market for the most valuable commodity. OPEC began enforcing a ban on oil exports specifically targeting the United States and its allies, while also taking the unprecedented step of setting oil prices autonomously. Wald clarifies that these actions were a deliberate response to the position of the United States supporting Israel. The strategic maneuvers were in harmony with Saudi Arabia's persistent goal to lead the oil sector while simultaneously enabling the Saudis to gain complete control of Aramco.

In response to the Arab-Israeli conflict in 1973, Saudi Arabia initiated an embargo on oil directed at the United States and its allies.

During the fall of 1973, members of OPEC gathered in Kuwait with the aim of formulating a response to the support provided by the United States to Israel amidst the Arab-Israeli conflict. The meeting highlighted the divisions within OPEC, particularly because the Saudi oil minister Zaki Yamani was in favor of a cautious approach, in contrast to his Libyan and Iranian counterparts who were quick to push for a reduction in oil production and to start an embargo against the United States and its allies. Yamani wrestled with internal conflict stemming from the decision to enforce a trade embargo. He sought to distinguish economic decisions from those of a political nature, while also understanding the significance of showing solidarity with his fellow Arab leaders. Ultimately, he persuaded the Arab nations in OAPEC, a subset of the broader OPEC consortium, to delay a formal declaration, thus allowing each member state to make individual determinations regarding which countries they would impose an embargo upon.

Yamani negotiated with OPEC and global petroleum firms to increase Saudi Arabia's share of oil profits and to gain greater influence over the production levels.

Zaki Yamani sought to elevate the prominence of Saudi Arabia within the group of oil-exporting countries and strengthen its influence worldwide. He regarded oil as a sacred gift bestowed upon Saudi Arabia, empowering the nation to achieve his grand aspirations. The Saudi authorities adeptly maneuvered to gain full ownership of Aramco, previously shared with American entities, and then focused on asserting their influence within OPEC. He devised a plan to disrupt the prevailing system in which only the large oil companies determined the pricing benchmarks, thereby laying the groundwork for determining how profits would be shared among oil-producing countries. Nations involved in the extraction of oil were compensated with a share of the profits rather than the true market value. The October 1973 gathering of OPEC representatives and delegates from American and European oil companies was the last instance where significant price discussions with these corporations occurred. Subsequently, OPEC, with Saudi Arabia at the helm, took on the responsibility of setting oil prices.

Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Aramco steered through the unpredictable nature of the global oil market.

The lessons learned by Saudi officials and Aramco, their state oil enterprise, were pivotal in navigating the volatile oil markets of the 1970s. Saudi Arabia capitalized on the circumstances by swiftly ramping up its petroleum output when needed and, as Wald notes, by keeping prices at a relatively moderate level. The Oil Ministry of Saudi Arabia recognized that volatile oil prices, particularly sharp rises, might be equally harmful as depressed prices if they negatively impacted the economies of countries importing oil, leading to a decrease in oil demand. In order to maintain stability, Yamani sought to establish a policy in which Saudi Arabia would act as a "swing producer', increasing or decreasing production to keep prices in a range that would satisfy consumer nations, as well as oil-producing members of OPEC. The approach taken by Yamani did not lead to the anticipated outcomes, as increased production from other countries and a broad economic slump led to a marked decrease in demand. The challenges of the 1980s highlighted the complexity involved in trying to regulate the oil market through the assumption of a swing producer's responsibilities.

The company's advancement beyond its function in ensuring market stability, along with its strategic efforts to expand its commercial activities and forge lasting partnerships in the business realm.

During the 1980s, the volatility of the global oil market led Yamani to work towards establishing Saudi Arabia, and consequently Aramco, as the dominant force in managing oil output, confident in the nation's substantial capacity for production and its financial robustness to sustain balance. The strategy's collapse resulted in diminished earnings for Aramco, thereby causing the government to confront budget shortfalls. As the decade came to an end, authorities in Saudi Arabia recognized the futility of trying to balance an inherently volatile global market through the reduction of oil production. Aramco implemented a growth plan that involved mitigating risks and broadening its business scope by establishing collaborative alliances with entities throughout Asia, Europe, and North America. Under the leadership of CEO Ali al-Naimi, the company implemented strategies to guarantee consistent revenue for Aramco and to maintain the economic stability of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Aramco has expanded its global presence through strategic partnerships and asset acquisitions, especially in Asia, to reduce its reliance on its domestic market in Saudi Arabia.

In collaboration with Saudi authorities, Aramco broadened its scope to include more than just the extraction of crude oil, formulating a comprehensive strategy to oversee the entire oil sector. Wald notes that this involved gaining significant stakes in industries connected with the refinement of oil, the production of petrochemicals, and the management of maritime logistics and supply chains. Aramco initiated its approach by securing stakes in these enterprises. Aramco initially formed partnerships with U.S. firms, among them the erstwhile stakeholder Texaco. Aramco expanded its operations, targeting the rapidly growing markets in Asia with improved expertise and significant financial resources. At the dawn of the 21st century, Aramco had made substantial investments in collaborative projects within downstream operations across Korea, China, Japan, and the Philippines, eventually securing ownership shares in a number of these businesses.

Saudi Arabia's energy strategies and the course of Aramco were shaped by the changing dynamics of international relations and the effects of the Gulf War.

The 1990 invasion of Kuwait by Saddam Hussein significantly disrupted the stability of the Middle East. The kingdom recognized the vulnerability of its oil infrastructure and national security, and despite having strengthened its military forces over the previous decade, it still recognized the necessity of obtaining military backing from the United States. In the midst of the 1973 oil crisis, Saudi Arabia and Aramco captured global attention, being perceived both as a victim and a rescuer in the evolving situation. During the lead-up to the military operation that liberated Kuwait from Iraqi control, Aramco provided the coalition, spearheaded by the United States, with essential logistics, including crucial supplies and fuel. Following the Gulf crisis, Aramco received international praise for its adept handling of a significant petroleum leak that threatened its essential infrastructure and crucial water resources.

Throughout the US-led conflict with Iraq, Saudi Arabia utilized Aramco to support military efforts, and the company was instrumental in tackling the environmental consequences of oil spills.

In 1990, following Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait, the Saudi royal family faced a difficult decision. Recognizing the limitations of Saudi Arabia's defensive capabilities compared to Iraq's formidable forces, King Fahd requested the support of the United States for protection. The stationing of American troops in Saudi Arabia faced significant resistance from the nation's religious leaders. King Fahd convinced the religious authorities that his actions were crucial for safeguarding the realm. In the aftermath, Osama bin Laden, then a rising power in the terrorist community, called on his followers to turn against al Saud for betraying Islamic tradition and partnering with "infidels." The oil enterprise that was pivotal to the kingdom's interests strengthened the US-led coalition by providing essential support in the form of maps, logistical expertise, free fuel, and crucial supplies like desalinated water. The initiatives undertaken by Aramco, known for mitigating the environmental impact of a major oil spill, significantly improved its international standing and bolstered its relationship with the United States government.

Aramco vigorously sought out technological innovations, aiming to establish itself as a dominant player in the global energy market after the conflicts in the region of the Persian Gulf.

Following the Gulf War, Aramco capitalized on the absence of Iraqi oil to enhance and broaden its activities within Saudi Arabia, such as initiating the Shaybah oil production project in the Empty Quarter, and expanded its influence worldwide by forming partnerships that led to the management and ownership of processing and chemical production facilities in Asia. The corporation improved its technological prowess, concentrating on refining Aramco's oil extraction techniques in difficult areas, such as the immense Safaniyah field, which is located approximately 60 miles from the sites of the Gulf War and is acknowledged as the world's largest offshore oil field. Aramco secured its leading position in the industry by perfecting sophisticated methods like horizontal drilling and the use of three-dimensional seismic imaging, while at the same time, OPEC's status was growing as a powerful consortium capable of impacting oil pricing. In the 1990s, Aramco broadened its business scope by purchasing a specialized shipping firm, a strategic decision aimed at gaining knowledge that was previously inaccessible because of the Saudi government's unsuccessful effort to create a state-owned shipping business with Aristotle Onassis in 1954.

Other Perspectives

• While Saudi Arabia did use its oil wealth for political and economic influence, it could be argued that this influence was not always effectively translated into long-term strategic advantages, especially in terms of diversifying its economy beyond oil.
• The initiation of the oil embargo in 1973 did lead to short-term gains for Saudi Arabia, but it also spurred oil-importing countries to invest in alternative energy sources and improve energy efficiency, which could be seen as a strategic misstep for long-term Saudi interests.
• Zaki Yamani's negotiations to increase Saudi Arabia's share of oil profits and influence over production levels were significant, but they also contributed to tensions within OPEC and among global powers, which sometimes worked to the detriment of Saudi interests.
• Aramco's navigation of the oil market in the 1980s and 1990s was not without its challenges, and some critics might argue that the company's strategies were reactive rather than proactive, leaving it vulnerable to market fluctuations.
• Aramco's expansion into Asia and other markets was a strategic move, but it also exposed the company to new risks, including political instability and market volatility in those regions.
• The shaping of Saudi energy strategies in response to international relations and the Gulf War demonstrated adaptability, but also highlighted the kingdom's heavy reliance on external military support for security, which could be seen as a strategic vulnerability.
• Aramco's support of military efforts and environmental initiatives during the Gulf War improved its standing, but reliance on foreign military assistance may have also contributed to internal dissent and the rise of extremist groups opposed to the presence of foreign troops on Saudi soil.
• Aramco's pursuit of technological innovation post-Gulf War conflicts positioned it as an industry leader, yet the focus on fossil fuel technologies could be criticized in light of the global shift towards renewable energy sources, potentially limiting the company's long-term relevance in a decarbonizing world economy.